Communist Party of Nepal on National Political Situation

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Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist)

An Analysis of the National Political Situation in Nepal

 From Sixth CPN Congress document

The present national situation should be evaluated in the light of the new
situation that has developed in the wake of historic People's Movement of
1990 and the effect it has had in Nepalese society. The historic People's
Movement of 1990 brought about an important change in the national politics
though it could not bring about a radical change in the basic economic and
class structure of Nepalese society. The people's movement has ended the
absolute monarchy and partyless Panchayat system ushering in constitutional
monarchy and multi-party system. Constitutionally speaking, the Nepalese
people have been vested with sovereign power. A constitutional provision has
been made in which the direct leadership of the country is to be taken by
the elected parliament as well as the government of the party which is able
to establish its majority in the parliament. The people's movement has
institutionalized through constitution some important achievements like
multi-party democracy, parliamentary system of government, sovereignty of
the people, fundamental and civil rights and constitutional monarchy. These
political achievements are not insignificant for the Nepalese people who
have suffered under 104 years of Rana oligarchy and 30 years of absolute
monarchy.

The free political atmosphere established after the People's Movement of
1990, brought a new awakening and awareness in the Nepalese society. Now, it
is nearly seven years since the establishment of multi-party parliamentary
system. During these seven years, the Nepalese people have witnessed many
political developments. But the role of political parties and the changes
that have occurred in the government have not been able to fulfill the
wishes and aspirations of the people. A kind of dissatisfaction and despair
is seen among the people. A serious situation has emerged giving rise to
doubts that it might affect responsible political parties and statesmen
putting the very multi-party system of government in a negative light.

Following the People's Movement, there was a need of maintaining a minimum
understanding and cooperation for some time among pro-movement forces. But
hindrances emerged on the way of joint actions due to narrow mindness and
prejudice of some left parties. A fierce conflict developed between the
Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML) owing to the former's totalitarian
thinking and an extreme anti-Communist outlook. Instead of reviewing its
tactics to find out the causes of its successive defeats, it pursued the
policy of hammering out an alliance with the Rastria Parjatantra Party in
order to weaken the CPN (UML). Consequently, the CPN (UML) was also
compelled to adopt a policy of winning over the RPP in order to keep the
forces of balance in its favour and to defeat its main political rival the,
Nepali Congress in political competition. As a result, the Rastriya
Prajatatra Party which was organised entirely by the Panchas, was able to
come to power only after five years of the People's Movement.


Present Situation

Owing to the country's poverty and indigence of the people, the national
approach of garnering international support and goodwill still continues.
The relative small size of our country, its landlocked state and
inaccessible land surface are often projected as the disadvantages. But
strong possibilities exist in which the geo-political situation may turn out
to be helpful for the development of the country rather than posing an
obstacle to it. Though the land locked state has created some hindrances for
our country in establishing contact with outside world, we have two giant
neighbours with more than two billion population as our potential markets.
The uneven geographical formation, difference in climate pattern and
bio-diversity of our country have provided peculiarity to the development of
Nepalese society. The richness and diversity in ethnicity, languages,
religions and cultures have added distinctness in the Nepalese society.

Nepal, which is made up of Terai, hills, valleys and alpine regions,
presents a contrast of a hard life and bright possibilities. Our movement,
which has moved forward embracing Marxism as a guide to action has, from the
very beginning, adhered to the line which accepts these specialties of the
Nepalese society. It is necessary to carry out this line more firmly in the
future. The semi-feudal and semi- colonial Nepalese society is beset with
various contradictions and complexities. Since the rise of modern Nepal till
date, our society has continued to come under the ideological impact of
patriotic ideas, humanism and democratic thoughts. But in comparison to
political sphere, the changes that have occurred in social sphere have not
been up to our expectations. Despite significant improvement in the field of
social awakening and people's consciousness, the pernicious influence of
feudal and capitalist values still linger in the society. Problems like
youth unemployment, drug addiction and trafficking in of women, continue to
plague the Nepalese society. This has badly affected the people's sentiment
and their style of life. There are enough possibilities of using
multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and multi-cultural characteristics of the
Nepalese society for the country's development and national prosperity. The
situation still exists in which the diversity in expertise, art and culture
may play a subservient role in bringing about national prosperity. The
enduring unity and tolerance among the people belonging to diverse
ethnicity, languages and cultures have played a contributory role. Hence, we
have been attaching adequate importance to these peculiarities which are
useful for social progress. In the meantime, certain positive changes have
also occurred in the society.

In view of the characteristics of the Nepalese society, the participation of
the people belonging to various ethnicity, languages and cultures must be
ensured for its development. But we must oppose the attempts at provoking
sensitivities towards a certain ethnic group, language, culture or religion
for a vested political interest ignoring the fact that the aspiration for
social emancipation cannot be fulfilled without class emancipation.
Sectarian elements, ultra- rightists and leftists, who are guided by
selfishness and impulse rather than a feeling of serious responsibility
towards the country and the people, are encouraging such activities.
Inequality, exploitation, untouchability and racial discrimination can be
removed by equitable distribution of social benefits, participation of all
people in the process of decision making, and drastic reform campaigns
against conservative social and religious norms, values and practices.
Everyone must understand that the ethnic, racial and regional division
weakens the basis of a just struggle and helps the reactionaries to cling to
power. The need of the day is a strong unity and initiative of the people
for the creation of a society based on justice and equality. In addition to
this, ethnic, religious, racial , cultural and regional tolerance and unity
are necessary to achieve success in social field. In an open democratic
society where all the people of the society are seeking their own role,
honest , patriotic, democratic and progressive individuals and groups and,
specially our party, should be alert against the possibility of disruption
in class unity of the people owing to divisiveness and anarchy. We can bring
about an expected change in the present social situation only through a
united effort of the people belonging to all the oppressed classes and
ethnic groups.


Economic situation

Nepal's economy is passing through a phase of low growth rate, growing
unemployment, poverty, economic inequality and dependence. The open and
liberal policy adopted by Nepal for the past ten years has made the problem
more serious. According to statistics, 36.5 percent people were under the
poverty line in 1976, 42.5 percent in 1985 and 45 percent in 1998. Agricultu
re, which constitutes the backbone of national economy still remains
traditional and subsistence oriented. Eighty one percent of the population
depends on agriculture whereas it contributes only 40 percent in the
national income. Tough the industrial sector contributes less than 10
percent in national income, the organised industrial sector has provided
employment to only 2 percent of the labour power. Seventeen percent of the
labour power is engaged in the service sector which occupies 50 percent of
the national income. Though the open liberal policy has enhanced the
activities of a small organised sector, it has not brought about any
qualitative change in larger unorganised rural economy. Rural life has
become more difficult. On the whole, the Nepalese economy is passing through
a phase of a recession and crisis.

A high reproductive rate and increasing population has provided negative
features to limited economic achievements and development. The per capita
income of Nepal was 200 dollars five years ago. It is still roughly the same
even now. The increase in agricultural production is not significantly
higher than the rate of population increase. As a result, the per capita
income in agricultural sector has not registered an increase even in terms
of Nepali currency. The economic growth rate registered in the service
sector has further widened the disparity of income by concentrating national
wealth within limited classes and areas. The land productivity of Nepal is
the lowest in the whole South Asia owing to the feudal relationship in land
ownership and its unequal distribution. The structure of land ownership has
been affecting social, political and economic access of the people. One
third of the total land of the country is in the hand of 6 percent families,
whereas 40 percent families are forced to rely on 9 percent of the
cultivable land. 70,000 families are eking out their living depending
themselves on less than a hectare of land. Thus, the intensity of poverty
has come upon small, marginal and landless peasant families in rural areas.

In order to fulfill the objective of creating a prosperous, equitable and
independent economy and to bring about a change in the existing semi-feudal,
semi-colonial and exploitative character of the economy, our party should
move ahead by implementing the following programmes:

1. To promote equitable, people oriented, just and welfare economic system
by abolishing feudal relation of production. It means improving rural
economy encompassing both the productivity and equal distribution through an
implementation of revolutionary land reform and long term agricultural
planning.

2. To achieve a high economic growth rate by breaking the long standing
stalemate in the development of water resources and providing irrigation
facilities in cultivable land and through generation of electricity,
modernization of agriculture, rapid industrialization, promotion of foreign
investment and export.

3. To make the country self-reliant on most essential goods by establishing
export oriented and import substituting agricultural, livestock, forest and
mine industries which are comparatively profitable and use indigenous raw
materials. To develop tourism industry as a source of income, employment and
a means of balanced regional development, consolidation of rural economy and
a market for indigenous production.

4. To prepare skillful, healthy, and productive humanpower by promoting
state investment in areas of social and human resources such as education,
health, drinking water and local development and to adopt a strategy of
making people both the means and end of development.

5. To bring women into the mainstream of economic activities by providing
them with special opportunities in education, health care, employment and
skill development including their equal right over property.

6. To initiate the process of commercialization and rural industrialization
through the development of agriculture, roads, small irrigation, micro hydro
electricity, rural telecommunication and rural financial institutions as an
all-round and balanced development is not possible without the development
of rural infrastructures.

7. To implement the policy of decentralization in accordance with the
concept of local autonomy so that local development works are carried out by
local bodies themselves ensuring a maximum use of local resources, means,
skill and labour.

8. To select participatory development projects to lessen the deficiency of
capital development and construction and to assist in employment generation
and capital construction by encouraging labour intensive technology.

9. To encourage national saving scheme in order to achieve a strong,
independent and self-sustained economic growth rate and to take initiative
from political level to control corruption, unproductive investment and
squandering of money.

10. To promote progressive taxation and just distribution system in order to
lessen the unequal distribution of national resources and income. To spend a
sizable amount of national revenue in social service or for the upliftment
of the exploited, oppressed and neglected areas and communities of the
society.

11. To identify the people living under the poverty line and to supply them
with basic goods and services in preferential price at the same time raising
the purchasing power of the disadvantaged classes by linking a smooth supply
system and wages with price rise.

12. To pursue a long term strategy of creating a strong , independent and
self -reliant economy by using foreign grants and private capital in
national interest.

13. To create additional employment opportunities by means of land reform,
expansion of irrigation facilities, farming technology, easy availability of
loans and development of agriculture based small industries and to solve the
problem of unemployment and poverty through rapid industrialisation,
mobilisation of local manpower and an easy availability of institutional
rural loan, skill development training, development of forest and livestock
and mobilisation of unemployed educated youths as rural development
volunteers in line with the concept of " One family, one job." To regulate
foreign employment.

14. To pursue a balanced monetary policy in order to free the country from
economic crisis and recession and to achieve a sustainable development by
bringing about stability in price.

15. To pursue a policy of a balanced government budget, efficient monetary
management, flexible and transparent economic policies and to expand the
role of private and cooperative sectors except in sensitive and other areas
of state priorities. To achieve a balanced and proportional development of
the country by making the state play a role of a pioneer, helper, promoter
and motivator in the development of areas, classes and communities which
have not attracted or are not likely to attract private and cooperative
sectors, have not been encompassed by market process and have fallen outside
the mainstream of development.


Political Situation

The process of political polarization that had started after the People's
Movement still continues. The Nepali Congress had a predominant presence in
the parliament immediately after the People's Movement. After mid-term
election, CPN (UML) came to the fore front politically and organisationally.
But the relatively weak third party RPP has reached to power due to lack of
a clear majority of any party in the parliament and a fierce competition
between the Nepali congress and the CPN (UML). Alliance with the RPP was not
an easy matter for any political parties immediately after the People's
Movement. There was difference of opinion within both the Nepali Congress
and the RPP about the effort of the Nepali Congress leaders to forge
alliance with the RPP after the former lost popularity in the election. When
no parties could establish clear majority, the CPN (UML) formed the
government in accordance with Article 42(2) of the Constitution of Nepal
1990. However, they were startled when, contrary to the expectation of
reactionaries, the CPN (UML) began to implement popular programmes through
the government. Feeling a threat to their existence, they adopted a policy
of ousting the CPN (UML) from power by any means, fair or foul.

This, and the thinking of " National reconciliation" prevalent among the
rightist forces inspired the Nepali Congress to forge alliance with the
Rastria Prajatantra Party. In such situation, the CPN (UML) was left with
only three alternatives - to move ahead by including the RPP in the
government, to allow the Nepali Congress and the RPP to run the government
or to go to mid-term elections. We opted for the third alternative for the
consolidation of democracy and political stability. A mid-term election was
decided upon with an objective of establishing a stable government through a
fresh people's mandate. The country could have a major transformation if the
mid-term election had taken place. However, the verdict of the Supreme Court
precluded it and the country has now been compelled to pass through a state
of confusion, instability and disorientation.


The present coalition government

The coalition government of the CPN (UML), the RPP and the Sadbhawana Party
formed at the leadership of RPP Parliamentary Leader Lokendra Bahadur Chand
was overthrown in a short period of seven months owing to careerism,
opportunism and selfish activities of RPP ministers and their decision to
vote for the no-confidence motion tabled by the Nepali Congress against the
government. In fact, the present coalition government had come to existence
against the people's mandate and parliamentary norms and through political
conspiracy. The present government began to harp on an anti-democratic and
anti-Communist tune ever since it was formed under the leadership of RPP
Chairman Surya Bahadur Thapa who was known for his undemocratic and anti-
communist character in the past. The government, which was formed at the
initiative of the Nepali Congress and the support and cooperation of the
RPP, Sadbhawana Party and Nepal Workers and Peasant's Party has come under
controversy from the very beginning.

The people are seriously concerned over the role played by the domestic and
foreign reactionaries in the formation of the government and an anti-
communist and alien image of the individual who leads the government.
Judging from its activities from the beginning, there is no situation for
the country and the people to expect any positive work from this government.
The longer this government sticks to power, the greater will be the damage
that the country may suffer. Our party is moving ahead awakening, organising
and mobilizing the people against the activities of this rightist
reactionary government. At present the responsibility to provide the country
and the people with a government of the CPN (UML) or to accept the
alternative of a general election to achieve that goal has fallen on the
shoulders of our party. Our party must take a prompt initiative and
leadership to fulfill this responsibility.


Political forces

Scores of political parties had registered themselves with the Election
Commission after the establishment of multi-party system of government.
However, there has been a change in this situation, owing to the democratic
exercises undertaken during the past seven years and the legal provisions
made concerning political parties. A new situation has emerged in which
parties have to be organised on the basis of class polarization and
political might. The class structure of the Nepali society and the status of
political forces and parties that have taken shape during the practice of
multi-party system can be portrayed as follows:

1. Feudal autocratic force

This force which was brought up under the protection of the palace has been
reduced to a state of disarray after the establishment of multi-party
system. At present, this force is out to show its influence through various
social organisations and is trying to reactivate the palace. This force,
which, as a class, represents feudalism and a hard-line section of comprador
bourgeoisie, has not as yet posed a challenge in the parliamentary politics.
But it is necessary to become alert against the possibility of this force
creating hurdles in the development and advancement of the country in the
future.

2. Rastria Prajatantra Party

Organised by former Panchas, Rastria Prajatantra Party is a party which
wants to embrace multi-party democratic practice. Though this party,
initially organised as separate two factions under the leadership of
Lokendra Bahadur Chand and Surya Bahadur Thapa, has now legally become one
party, it still remains divided between two blocks. This party, which has
emerged as the third alternative in the present parliament, has friendly
relationship and ideological affinity with all the elements of the
autocratic partyless Panchayat system. Its characteristic is to defend the
interest of feudalists and a hard-line section of comprador bourgeoisie and
to submit under external pressure.

As both the Nepali Congress and the RPP are against social change and
support the status quo, they have agreed to form a mutual political equation
by opening a joint front against the CPN (UML). In order to weaken such a
role of theirs, we must seize initiative by paying attention to the
contradictions that exist between them in certain areas.

3. Nepali Congress

Though the Nepali Congress has been defending the interest of feudalism and
comprador bourgeoisie, it presented itself as a reformist party by playing a
role against partyless Panchayat system and the establishment of multi-party
system during the Panchayat period. After the establishment of multi-party
system it adopted a policy of colluding with the old Panchas and rightist
elements and giving them entry to the party. Generally speaking, it has
organised a liberal section of the feudal class, comprador bourgeoisie and a
section of middle class having domination of conservative rightist elements
as its class base. Because of this character of the Nepali congress, it is
being discarded by the Nepali people on the issues of preservation of
nationalism, defense of people's rights and the protection of people's
livelihood. It is becoming a stumbling block on the way of development of
Nepalese society. In order to evade the opposition from the people, the
Nepali Congress is doing its level best to create an anti- communist public
opinion in the hope of using it for its own interest. No substantial
difference has been noticed in its pro-alien character and practice. During
the late stage of parliamentary practice, when it began to loose its
previous mass base, a liberal section within the Nepali Congress has begun
to activate itself to some extent. But this segment of the Nepali Congress
is not in a position to become a decisive force right now. At present, our
party's main confrontation is with the Nepali Congress.

4. Nepal Sadbhawana Party

Though this party is a national party constitutionally, it is in fact a
regional party. This party provides a racial colour to the social
discrimination existing in the Nepalese society and is based on land lord
class, business oriented bourgeoisie and the rich peasants. This party,
which defends the interest of the feudal class and comprador bourgeoisie and
ignores sensitive areas of national interest harbouring parasitic outlook,
has engaged itself in racial and sectarian politics. We must continue our
disagreement and opposition against its national opportunism, racism and
regionalism. But we should, at the same time, pay attention to its
contradiction with the Nepali Congress and the RPP.

5. CPN (Maoist)

This party represents the petty bourgeois trend and dogmatist thinking
existing within the communist movement of Nepal. This party, which refuses
to move ahead taking constructive lesson from prevailing world situation,
present state of the world communist movement, and the objective condition
of the Nepalese society, has unleashed violent activities in the name of the
"People's War" for the last one and a half years. This party is averse to
Marxist method of objective analysis of the objective situation. It is
making a wrong analysis of the current national and international situation.
It has embraced an adventurist line and has become a victim of impatience in
the back ground of the failure of its past political lines, predominance of
its petty bourgeois character and its inability to compete with other
parties peacefully owing to its defeated mentality. Its politics is
extremist and its activities are terrorists in character. This party has
started to make physical attack on the cadres and sympathisers of the CPN
(UML) after its wrong and misleading propaganda against the UML failed to
produce any effect. We must resist, oppose and expose such terrorist and
violent actions of this party both ideologically and politically. In
addition to an extensive denunciation for their terrorist and criminal
actions, they should also be retaliated strongly if they mount an attack
against us. Our party, therefore, must formulate a plan to seriously face
the CPN(Maoist)'s dogmatist and ultra-leftist thinking as well as its
terrorist activities.

6. CPN(Unity Centre)

This party is also a dogmatist leftist party. It is ideologically wavering
between the line of peaceful people's movement and people's war. Though some
of the policies and tactics it has formulated appear correct in the
document, there is discrepancy between the documents and its practice. Its
leaders harbour a strong anti- UML thinking. Though this party has played a
positive role of a leftist party in the struggle against imperialism and
totalitarianism of the Nepali Congress, it has distanced from us because of
its anti UML mentality. In the present state of unity and polarization
within the communist movement, we should take it as an ally and pursue a
policy of cooperation at the same time waging an ideological struggle
against its dogmatist anti-UML thinking.

7. CPN(Masal)

This party is also a leftist party having mainly dogmatist thinking. It has
less anti-UML bias owing to its competition with CPN (Maoist) and the Unity
Centre. This party which has embraced dogmatism in the name of ideological
purity and sectarianism in practice, has, of late, been found to have
pursued a flexible policy. As it can play a positive role in the struggle
against feudalism, imperialism and totalitarianism, it should be treated as
an ally by adopting a policy of unity and struggle with it.

8. Nepal Workers and Peasants' Party and other groups

Nepal Workers and Peasants' Party is practically a dogmatist party. Based in
Bhaktapur, this party has been found closed-minded and inconsistent
ideologically and double-faced in practice. This party's attempt to show
nearness to both the ultra-leftist and ultra-rightist forces at one and the
same time is but an example of its opportunism. Maintaining our disagreement
with its wrong ideology and practice, we should pursue a policy of struggle
and unity with this party also.

Apart from this party, some other groups which call themselves the communist
parties have been walking down the path of either dogmatism or liquidation.
Their independent organisational role is very insignificant. But the effort
must be made to integrate their positive role in various aspects of
political endeavor with the communist movement.

Other smaller parties and groups like Nepal Praja Parishad, Rastria Janata
Parishad, Green Party, Nepali Congress(Subarna) and Socialist Congress, are
also in existence. But the role of these parties is only limited to issuing
statements and organising seminars or symposiums. Despite this, we should
pay attention to the independent role they can play in the bourgeois camp.

On the whole, the present national situation is fovourable to us. The
reactionary attempts to weaken the achievement of the People's Movement and
to pose hurdles on the way of our party have been spurned by the Nepalese
people. Despite attempts of the anti-popular forces to forge alliance
against the CPN (UML), they constantly find themselves beset with new
contradictions. The Nepalese people have accepted the CPN (UML) as the party
capable of meeting the national challenges. This is why the CPN (UML) has
become the main target of attack from reactionaries. But it is the people
who are resisting such attacks on CPN (UML). As the aspiration of the
Nepalese people for change and development is very strong, it is certain
that the ill-efforts to bring about retrogression will be rejected by the
people themselves.

*****

Press Release by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist)
April 19, 2001

Nepali People, sacrifying their lives, had struggled for the fundamental
rights, democracy and multiparty system in 1990. As the consequence of the
struggle, the constitution of the kingdom of Nepal 1990 has guaranteed for
the rights for freedom of individuals' expression and opinion, demonstration
and mass meeting, assembling and picketing. And further, it has constituted
the rights for freedom to move, to ponder over the institutions and
organisations without any hindrances.

It is to regret that on 16th and 17th April, the present government of the
Nepali Congress has blatantly violated the constitution, snatched the
democratic rights of the people and made an effort to create a lawlessness
and anarchism devaluating the people's movement and the constitution of
1990. This action of the Nepali Congress has ridiculed the democratic system
and its norms and values.

In democracy, it is quite natural, constitutional and democratic process to
demand the resignation of a Prime Minister by the oppositions and civil
society. The resignation of the Prime Minister in a democratic country can
be demanded in the parliament, in the street and in the seminar, symposium
and in the mass meetings.

In this regard, the parties in the opposition have been demanding the
resignation of the Prime Minister due to his incapability to maintain the
peace and security, safeguarding the lives of people and controlling the
violence, killings and corruption, to administer in accordance with the
multiparty system and democratic norms. Despite of these, the Prime Minister
was found deeply involved in rampant corruption.

On 16th April, the six left parties, demanding the resignation of the Prime
Minister, had launched a picketing at Putalisadak, in Kathmandu. On that
day, the leaders, activists and MPs, proceeding to the spot, were arrested
by the police. It is a blatant violation of the constitutional rights.
Hundreds of Party leaders, MPs and activists were arrested without warrant
from Durbarmarga, Ratna Park, Bagbazar, Dillibazar and different parts of
the capital city. This action of the government is a new form of tyrannical
dictatorship of an elected government.

On that very day, the police fired tear gas, baton charged and misbehaved
the women demonstrators with brutal and unwanted activities. The police
severely injured citizens and smashed the windows of houses by throwing
bricks and stones. This action of the government is the open attack to the
democracy and civil rights.

Party leaders, MPs, activists and civilians were illegally arrested, kept in
custody and detained for the whole day on the 16th of April.

The repressive measure of the government became tougher on the 17th of
April. The organiser had publicly announced the peaceful street
demonstration from 08 to 10 am on the very day. The government exposed its
extreme autocratic nature by arresting the party leaders, activists, MPs and
other peoples' representatives of the local bodies on the way without any
reason. Some of the anti-constitutional actions of the Nepali Congress
government are as follow:

1. On 16th April at 07:45 am the government suddenly arrested and detained
Hon'ble Madhav Kumar Nepal, the leader of the Main Opposition Party in the
House of Representatives and Hon'ble Bharat Mohan Adhikari, the Chief Whip
of the Parliamentary party of CPN (UML). Despite of the demand for the cause
of his arrest from the leader of the main opposition, the government did not
need to respond.

2. Even the MP and one of the prominent journalists Hon'ble Raghuji Pant was
arrested from Adwetmarga while he was proceeding towards the party office of
Valley Coordination Committee.

3. Hon'ble Chitra Bahadur K.C., the leader of National People's Front in the
Parliament, leader of Nepal Workers and Peasants Party, Mr. Buddhi Kumar
Gosai, Mr. Govinda Duwal, chairman of Bhaktapur District Development
Committee were assaulted and arrested without any reason.

4. Hon'ble Shubhash Nemwang, Chairman of the Public Account Committee of the
House of Representatives was arrested from Ratna Park while proceeding to
participate in the programme.

5. In the same way Hon'ble MPs Bachaspati Devkota, Pradeep Gyanwali, Bidhya
Bhandari, Santa Manabi, Prem Bahadur Singh, Mahendra Raya Yadav, Dr.
Dilliraj Khanal, Dr. Mangal Siddhi Manandhar, Yog Narayan Yadav, Ratna
Prasad Sharma, Krishna Lal Maharjan, Birodh Khatiwada, Lal Bahadur
Bishwakarma, Pashupati Chaulagain, Ananda Pokharel, Chandra Bahadur Shahi,
Nara Bahadur, Hamal, Shubhash Karmacharya, Yadav Bahadur Rayamajhi, Tukraj
Sigdel and Nawaraj Subedi were arrested and detained at the police custody.

6. On 17th of April, Hon'ble Asta Lasxmi Shakya and Hon'ble Lilamani
Pokherel who were leading the peaceful procession at Indrachok were
assaulted and arrested. Hon'ble Lilamani Pokherel was injured in the
assault.

7. More than 300 innocent people including the leaders of the Parliamentary
Parties, MPs, representatives of local bodies were arrested without any
reason.

Our party has seriously taken the incident of such a sudden arrest to the
opposition leaders while passing by. Our party strongly demands the
government to make its stand clear and take necessary actions against the
convicts involved in the repression.

Our party cordially insists the concerned bodies, human rights
organisations, civil society, journalists and all the just loving people to
stand unitedly to safeguard the democracy against the developing trend of
autocracy in the Nepalese politics.

Pradip Nepal
Spokesperson

April 19, 2001
 
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