"Spy Scandal" to Save the CANF (Granma) Via NY Transfer News * All the News That Doesn't Fit source - "Luis A. Martin" Granma Internacional Digital - April 26, 2002 "Special FBI Agent" Héctor Pesquera helped free several terrorists preparing an assassination attempt during the summit in Isla Margarita, and was rewarded with a transfer to Florida, to direct the conspiracy against the five Cubans accused of espionage CONSPIRACY IN MIAMI "Spy Scandal" to Save the CANF by Jean-Guy Allard WHEN the U.S. Coast Guard intercepted a yacht, La Esperanza, on the waters near Puerto Rico one day in October 1997, it was suspected that the craft was transporting drugs. Instead of narcotics, what the agents found upon boarding the vessel was an arsenal. Héctor Pesquera. Among the objects discovered in a secret compartment covered by a rug, they found seven boxes of ammunition, military uniforms, six radios, a satellite telephone, night vision glasses and two assault rifles with long-range capabilities worth more than $7,000 each. On board the ship, one of the four crewmen, visibly startled, screamed at the officials: "These weapons are mine! The others know nothing about them. I placed them there myself. They are weapons for the purpose of assassinating Fidel Castro!" This statement was confirmed some time later by the boat's navigation data, indicating that the vessel was headed to the Venezuelan island of Margarita where, in fact, Fidel Castro was to attend the annual Ibero-American summit a few days later. For this long journey, the powerful 47-foot yacht was equipped with special tanks containing 2,000 gallons of additional fuel. The declaration by Miami crewman Angel Alonso Alemán, whatever his actual objective was, led the Coast Guard to file charges, taking into account the dangerous materials found, and the gravity and implications of the suspect's "spontaneous" declaration. The investigation would soon lead directly to the émigré organization called the Cuban-American National Foundation (CANF), with very strong political ties to every U.S. president and important leader, both Democrat and Republican, since its creation under the Reagan administration. The four occupants of the boat, at the time of their arrest, were identified as: Angel Alfonso Alemán, 57, manager of a textile firm in Union City, New Jersey; Francisco Córdova, 50, commercial fisherman from Marathon; Angel M. Hernández Rojo, 64, lumber industrialist in Miami; and Juan Bautista Márquez, 61, retired sailor from Miami. Here is the history of Héctor Pesquera, "special agent" and FBI station chief in Puerto Rico. This man is the FBI's perfect agent, just as one would imagine from a U.S. TV police drama. Always elegant, he carries the image of incorruptibility so commonly conveyed on the screen. Commenting to the press on the suspect's denials, Pesquera came up with a phrase aching for the headlines: "Nobody goes fishing with .50 caliber weapons!" affirmed the veteran investigator, who never misses a "photo op." He swore that, without a doubt, there would be several charges filed in court by the time the police finished up its investigation. He added that "there may be foreign policy implications," and so... he didn't discount any possibility. "We will go after the government very strongly and attack their hypocrisy. For 30 years they tried to kill Castro and now they say others can't do the very same thing they were doing." In other words, Pesquera, smelling the politics of the case, simultaneously saved this media show and indicated that he was awaiting instructions from "above." WHEN EVERYTHING POINTS TO THE CANF Terrorist F-4 Commandos, located in Florida. But soon the investigation revealed that Francisco "Pepe" Hernández, 61, the president of the CANF, was the owner of two powerful arms found aboard La Esperanza. Since the death of CANF founder Jorge Más Canosa, this character is the best-known counterrevolutionary leader in Miami. The investigators also determined that José Antonio "Toñin" Llama, age 66 and member of the CANF's executive committee, turned out to be the proud owner of the yacht. They finally discovered that Alfredo Otero, 62, another activist of the counterrevolutionary group, was in charge of communications for this criminal operation. To top it all off, a few weeks later, in January 1998, when one of the four crew members of La Esperanza, was arrested yet again... only to be charged by the Drug Enforcement Agency for bringing in 365 kilograms of cocaine, as part of a greater conspiracy involving money laundering and the importation of 2,000 kilograms of narcotics. Of course, all those involved denied any wrongdoing through their lawyers, who used every legal trick and declaration in the book to "demonstrate" their clients' innocence. Except for Alfonso, who tried to clear his name by proudly showing press photos of himself with then-President Clinton, Senator Robert Torricelli, Jorge Más Canosa... and even Félix Rodriguez. (Rodriguez was one of the famous Watergate "plumbers," a CIA agent, one of the main figures in the Iran-contra scandal in Central America and collaborator with arch-terrorist Luis Posada Carriles.) A chorus of protests, frenetically led by Ninoska Pérez-Castellón, then propaganda chief of this clique and mafia attorney for Alfonso, vehemently affirmed the innocence of her client with surprising arguments: Since the CIA had attempted to assassinate Fidel Castro so many times, how could the prosecution accuse a poor innocent man like Alfonso of having done the same? Meanwhile, the mafia mobilized its people on a number of levels: through protests, theatrical declarations and disinformation campaigns, little by little, the case of La Esperanza mysteriously shipwrecked in the tumultuous waters of the U.S. judicial apparatus. Slowly but surely, the case dissolved with a helping hand from Héctor Pesquera, who blatantly got the green light to get the La Esperanza conspirators out of the quicksand. An interesting detail: by pure coincidence, the name of Alfonso's mafia attorney is none other than Ricardo Pesquera, Special Agent Héctor Pesquera's cousin. And while the case sadly hit rock bottom, Special Agent Héctor Pesquera, in the middle of celebrating the acquittal at a morning mass and party with the judges and criminals, received an opportune reward. FBI Director Louis Freeh sent him to Miami, with the title of "special agent in charge" (SAC) for South Florida. What more could his friends from the Hialeah cartel ask for? A MORE THAN WELCOME SCANDAL Héctor Pesquera was appointed on September 2nd. On the 14th, the Florida media put out a spectacular news item. For the first time since the emergence of the Cuban Revolution, a network of "Castroist spies" was dismantled with the arrest of some of its members. Press conference at the FBI headquarters. Héctor Pesquera couldn't have been happier. The day of this media-charged theater, Pesquera was wearing a couple of different hats: "special agent in charge" and political spokesperson. In Miami's banana republic, anything goes. Of course, Pesquera got credit for this "spectacular operation," although he had just arrived under the protective wing of the anti-Cuba mafia. He proclaimed that they had been investigating the group since 1995 ­ observe the date ­ and that the arrests constituted a "significant coup against the Cuban government," adding that it had been a major defeat for "Castro's spy forces." And then the witch hunt was unleashed: "We've done this in order to notify the public," Pesquera commented, publicly requesting that people denounce all "suspected Cuban spies." On radio stations tuned to anti-Cuba hysteria, the calls to denounce one's neighbor as a potential spy were intensely disseminated. Ninoska Pérez-Castellón spearheaded the campaign with exemplary fanaticism. In her radio program at WQBA-1140AM, would-be informers called up in a frenzy to play society's new game in this city now dizzy from fanaticism. The CANF, conveniently putting La Esperanza on the back burner, called upon politicians to whip up an investigation on the infiltration of "Castro agents" in South Florida, and fan the flames of anti-Cuba hysteria in general. They spoke publicly of some 600 Cuban agents who had supposedly infiltrated all spheres of Miami society. It doesn't cost anything to throw numbers around. Meanwhile, the mafia federation was more than happy to cover up its tarnished image with this tyrannical ultra-right wing campaign. FREE REIN FOR THE MAFIA The whole terrorist entourage logically interpreted the new situation as one big permission slip to terrorize. From Nazario Sargent's Alpha 66 to Rodolfo Frómeta's F-4 Commandos, each one happily conspired to organize new operations against Cuba or, simply, to play one of their most privileged games: fundraising. From arch-terrorist Orlando Bosch to his brain children, José Basulto of Brothers to the Rescue and Ramón Saúl Sánchez of the Democracy Movement, each one is open to new "patriotic" business. Even though the terrorist activities of many of these fanatical Cuban-American cells are geared towards Miami's domestic consumption, and are part of a greater marketing strategy involving an infinite number of campaigns to raise money, some initiatives actually bore fruit. All of Miami remembers Luis Posada Carriles' wave of terror in Havana during the course of 1997, thanks to a number of Central American mercenaries who planted bombs in the lobbies of hotels in exchange for a few thousand dollars per explosion. And all of Miami remembers how Posada Carriles, in an interview with The New York Times, confessed to this and other operations under the direction of the CANF, that is to say the same people publicly supported by Héctor Pesquera. And while the five Cuban patriots arrested by Pesquera would appear before the court and be forced to confront Judge Joan Lenard's mafia-style justice, four of the terrorists subject to Cuba's vigilance network were preparing a terrorist attack of great magnitude. Luis Posada Carriles, the most dangerous terrorist in the hemisphere given the number and gravity of his crimes, Pedro Remón, Guillermo Novo and Antonio Jiménez, all of whom reside in Miami, purchased explosives and other materials, with the goal of assassinating the leader of the Cuban Revolution during the 2000 Ibero-American Summit in Panama. All of them have ties to the CANF and its subsidiaries. This terrorist plot involved placing a powerful bomb in the middle of the massive Panamanian student assembly where Fidel was to give a speech. HOUSE POLITICS Héctor Pesquera, who appears in public alongside individuals whom his own organization labels as terrorists, avoided any direct participation by his people in such activities. While the FBI and other U.S. security agencies spend billions of dollars to monitor terrorists who threaten the United States, they fraternize with those trained by the CIA for terrorist activities against Cuba. The reasons for this? First of all, this is a case of house politics. In an article published in The Miami Herald a few weeks before Pesquera's arrival in that city, the official policy regarding anti-Cuba terrorists was openly recognized. Under the title "Anti-Castro Seldom Lead to Jail in the U.S.," journalist Juan O. Tamayo reported the words of a senior federal prosecutor, who confirmed that for some time the policy has been to gather information, demobilize and dismantle the groups, rather than arresting them. The same high-ranking official confessed later that the policy is designed to protect informants and avoid court cases with scant prospects for success, due to jurors who sympathize with the anti-Castro exiles and the weakness of U.S. laws prohibiting acts of violence against foreign governments. Without a doubt, the presence of Miami regional office Special Agent Héctor Pesquera at events organized by the CANF and other terrorist mafia groups indicates complicity rather than tolerance. So, anti-Cuba terrorists are not prosecuted, but those who try to counteract such criminal plans are. The anti-Cuba terrorists are let off because juries are sympathetic to them, and those who try to counteract terrorism are tried because, given these biased juries, it's clear from the beginning that they're going to be convicted. That is the empire's justice! In the end, Cuban authorities were the ones who exposed Posada Carriles' assassination plot to Panamanian authorities and the general public, at the start of the Ibero-American Summit, thus preventing a massacre of incredible proportions. And the four terrorists were arrested! SANTIAGO ALVAREZ TO THE RESCUE Immediately the terrorist Miami radio stations, among them Radio Mambí WAQI-AM (710) and La Poderosa WWFE-AM (670) commenced a fundraising campaign to help the four criminals jailed in Panama, without the least concern for the terrorist nature of their conspiracy. The main organizer of the campaign was Santiago Alvarez, a businessman with a long history of violent activity. Later, while the trial of the five Cubans began in Miami, in April 2001 Cuban Ministry of the Interior officials arrested three residents of Miami-Dade County who ­ armed with AK-47 assault rifles, M-3 rifles with silencers and three Makarov semi-automatic pistols ­ landed in Cuba clandestinely. Ihosvani Suris, Santiago Padrón and Máximo Padrera were the three men arrested. Some weeks later, Cuban television aired a nice surprise for its viewers on the Mesa Redonda: a video in which Ihosvani Suris, while detained, was having a telephone conversation with Santiago Alvarez, his boss in Miami. A Miami terrorist protected by Héctor Pesquera's FBI, Suris asked whether he should follow through with the project of placing explosives in Havana's Tropicana cabaret, as Alvarez had directed. Without knowing that his mercenary was detained, Alvarez encouraged him to continue with the criminal plan. Of course, even though this confession was public, Santiago Alvarez was not questioned in any way by Pesquera's agents. A TRIAL IN THE TERRORIST JUNGLE It is inside this terrorist jungle, completely hostile to the five Cubans accused in Miami, that Gerardo Hernández, René González, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero and Fernando González were put on trial, in violation of the Sixth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. It was in that city, the most retrograde in the United States, that Elián González was kidnapped, and the organizers of the Latin Grammys decided to move their awards ceremony to Los Angeles, due to the lack of security and numerous acts of violence there. It was a completely politicized trial, whose conclusion was clearly determined by the highest authorities, at a time when the new administration, presided over by George W. Bush, infiltrated and blackmailed by the anti-Cuba mafia, blindly obeyed that faction's every desire. Evidence was distorted through classified information procedures, there were constant objections to requests made by the defense, and the judge was clearly hostile. Witnesses were manipulated and intimidated by the prosecution and the press, while the trial developed as a theatrical farce, again for the same of the media, in order to calm the anxiety of the mafia clique. The fact that the five patriots risked their lives in Miami while carrying out heroic work to counteract criminal terrorist plans, as their official U.S. government files reveal, it did not interest Judge Lenard in the slightest. She made that clear and repeatedly rejected the argument that Cuba has the right to defend itself against gangs planning violent acts against Cuba. It was in no way convenient for the judge, the prosecution, the police, or the highest authorities of the country to admit their complete tolerance, particularly in Miami, of anti-Cuba terrorists, because such an admission would justify the five patriots' heroic activities. The only thing that concerned Joan Lenard was the entirely fabricated "evidence" that one of the accused was implicated in the shooting down of the light aircraft belonging to Brothers to the Rescue on February 26, 1996, and the allegation that one of the five searched for supposedly secret military information. The whole process has received the clear support of the anti-Cuba terrorist groups operating in Miami and the mafia cliques attempting to legitimize their activities. In June, after Judge Lenard's verdict, Héctor Pesquera directed a theatrical statement at the Cuban authorities during a press conference: "Mr. Castro, sending your agents to the United States to conduct intelligence operations against the citizens of this country will not be tolerated. We will pursue you vigorously, and we will take you and prosecute you to the fullest extent of the law." In response to a journalists' question, however, he refused to state whether he would pursue the authors of the attacks in Miami with the same enthusiasm. Months later, New Times magazine asked Pesquera and Prosecutor Guy Lewis if they considered the Havana attacks to be acts of terrorism. Both refused to respond. The terrorist groups publicly celebrated the conviction of the five patriots; the CANF even held an event to congratulate the FBI for its good work related to the trial. In addition to Special Agent Pesquera, then Miami Chief of Police Raúl Martínez and CANF Director Joe García were present. When the Puerto Rico incident occurred in August 1997, Pesquera's "spontaneous" declarations that "there may be foreign policy implications" and that he didn't reject any possibility sounded a bit fishy. Once again, from high up on the official latter. In September 1998, the same things were said within hours of the arrests of the "spy network." This time, however, it was from very high up in the government. In comments regarding the issue, State Department spokesperson James P. Rubin was compelled to deny allegations that the operation was carried out with the sole purpose of satisfying the Cuban-Americans, after the Puerto Rico incident. "There is no basis for such an allegation," he declared. Now that the trial has ended and the sentences have been handed down, it is clear that such "political implications" suspected by Pesquera and the allegations denied by Rubin were the tip of a huge iceberg of complicity and corruption. Special Agent Pesquera is only one visible face of this dangerous conspiracy. * (c) 2002 Granma International Digital. All rights reserved. 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