Chiapas Bull'n 143 8 Oct 97 (english) Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit source: mexpazdf@laneta.apc.org Oct 13, 1997 MEXPAZ: Bulletin 143 LA OPINION BULLETIN NO. 75 published by the Centro de Informacion y Analisis de Chiapas, A.C. 8 October 1997 CONFLICT IN THE ALTOS AREA OF CHIAPAS In the past few weeks, a number of violent incidents have occurred, as the conflict spreads from the Northern Area to the Tzotzil Area in the state of Chiapas. Just to mention a few, in the municipality of Chenalho', from May to September there have been at least three politically-motivated murders, one person disappeared, various homes sacked and burned and more than a thousand persons displaced. Meanwhile PRI party members recently asked permission to carry arms. In Pantelho', just in this month of October, there have been 4 politically-motivated murders and 6 disappeared; there were 3 similar murders in Simojovel on 5 October. In Tila another campesino from the paramilitary group "Paz y Justicia" was murdered. But Chenalho', San Andre's and the rebellious municipalities aren't the only ones having problems building autonomy. Conflicts have taken place recently in Paso Hondo, municipality of Frontera Comalapa (bordering on Guatemala), where the seat of the rebellious "Tierra y Libertad" municipality was established months ago. In addition, there will continue to be confrontations between Zapatistas linked to the FOCIS (Front of Campesino Indigenous Organizations of the Sierra), and PRI groups, vying for local control. Up to now, four paramilitary groups have come to light in the Northern and Altos Areas: "Los Degolladores" (The Throat Slashers) in Chamula municipality, MIRA in Oxchuc, "Ma'scara Roja" (Red Mask) in San Andre's, "Chinchulines" in Chilo'n, and "Paz y Justicia" in Tila, Sabanilla, Tumbala' and Salto de Agua. Both in the Altos and the Northern Areas, the problem has deep political and economic roots. Just to cite one motive, Mexico is presently importing 800 thousand tons of oils and lubricants yearly; thus the African Palm, produced only in Chiapas, is a strategic resource for the government and for the private sector (Mexico is the second largest consumer of African Palm on the continent, after the USA). In Chiapas there is a potential production of African Palm estimated at 940 thousand hectares in the Northern, Selva and Costa Areas. One hectare produces 20 tons of fruit and 5 tons of oil, priced at 4,500 pesos (US$577) a ton of crude oil, with a present annual production of 800 tons (15% of national consumption). African Palm is cholesterol free, has a high vitamin content and is immune to plagues. While officials say it will favor employment, African Palm will surely benefit the private company that lands this monopoly. ZEDILLO VISITS THE ALTOS AREA This past week President Ernesto Zedillo, during his seventh visit to the state, met with representatives of 17 municipalities in the Altos Area. His visit sent out four very clear signals: 1) He signed a social agreement for Welfare and Development in the Altos Area, with a budget of 309 million pesos (US$39.6 million) for 140 indigenous communities. Zedillo emphasized that during his administration, 56 billion pesos (US$7.2 billion) have been invested in public works. Yet during an Assembly, 360 indigenous communities from 24 municipalities of the Altos, Central, Northern, Selva, Frailesca and Sierra Areas, grouped together as the RAP (Pluriethnic Autonomous Regions) rejected the agreement. Meanwhile, the President made no mention of the thousands of persons affected by the recent flooding along the Suchiate River, provoked by tropical storms. Interestingly, one of the negotiating "Tables" between the EZLN and the federal government is "Table 3: Development and Social Welfare". Thus, the president outlined his strategy: a) He once again refused to comply with what has been signed at "Table 1: Indigenous Rights and Culture", arguing that autonomy will "Balkanize" the country and result in the loss of the Nation's unity; b) With two rounds completed, Zedillo dropped negotiations at "Table 2: Justice and Democracy", with no agreement reached and signed. This Table's discussion points were touching the very heart of the country's economic, political and democratic system, and which, inevitably, would have had to transcend the state of Chiapas. This Table, which might well be called "Reform of the State", was sent to the national Congress by Zedillo, who argued that the "reign of democracy" has begun in Mexico. He thus demonstrated that change in the country will be brought by politics and elections, and not by making concessions to an armed movement. c) He got ahead of "Table 3: Welfare and Development", by signing agreements between the federal and state governments, using the same terms as the negotiations and hoping to snuff out the demands on its agenda, and to emphasize how obsolete the Table is, when, after all, the problems of welfare and development have been attended to by the government. Albeit it with a different name, both the federal and state governments have implemented "social programs" in the Northern, Canadas-Selva, Central and Sierra Areas. Yet three years of squandering so much money has not made a qualitative difference: violence is on the rise, while health, education, production and markets deteriorate. These funds, if not supported by democratic conditions and solid institutions, will only increase corruption and, among other things, be channeled to the paramilitary forces, as already denounced in the media. 2) The President met with representative of the CAS (Centers of Social Attention) of the Canadas program (in the "Area of Conflict" or Tzeltal Area), and with "ejido" unions, that represent the Consultative Councils of San Quintin (principal military outpost of Ocosingo). The President thus was seen to be undertaking undertake actions that supposedly diminish the reasons behind "the conflict". 3) He inaugurated the first stage of the San Cristobal airport that, like the one in Tuxtla Gutierrez, can be controlled by the armed forces. 4) Recently, the President sent various messages to the EZLN: "the rebellion in Chiapas is no longer justified"; "we are removing reasons for the anger and confrontations"; subcommander Marcos "is an idealist who has not chosen the right method"; "unmoved, we will continue to await a responsethe government could have fallen back on force, on real (military) force"; there is a need to "take a definitive step in order to bring about peace"; we must take peaceful negotiations "to their ultimate consequences". Strangely, President Zedillo called on all "sides" to find new ways to dialogue, when one side, the governmental delegation, represents the Executive branch, i.e., Zedillo's side. Zedillo's visit to Chiapas comes at a moment when the COCOPA (Commission of Concordance and Pacification) announced that it will work to change its internal rules and ways of functioning. And while COCOPA continues insisting that the Executive Branch carry out the San Andres Agreement (Table 1 on Indigenous Rights and Culture), Bishop Samuel Ruiz declared that, in effect, everything is the same or worse than when the conflict began. Elsewhere, the Mexican Episcopal Conference, and other churches, reiterated their call for a rapid solution to the problems of the Northern and Altos Areas. This week President Zedillo did not escape the judgment of NGOs in France as he began a state visit to Paris and Bonn. Amnesty International, Christian Action for the Abolition of Torture, the International Federation of Human Rights Leagues, France Libertes, the Arch of Fraternity, and Reporters Without Borders questioned, among other issues, the Mexican government's attitude regarding human rights in Mexico. As a result of recent meetings among groups of social organizations such as the RAP, COAO (Coalition of Autonomous Organizations of Ocosingo), FAC-MLN, UMOI, OCEZ-CNPA, OCEZ-Casa del Pueblo, and other fronts and forces, undoubtedly we will see shuffling of alliances and groups that will give the campesino movement new direction and dynamics. Political forces are in movement and a new scenario may be close: 12 October "Dia de la Raza", "day of indigenous resistance", "day of 505 years of indigenous, black, and popular resistance." by Gustavo Castro of CIACH Note: We sincerely appreciate our readers' suggestions regarding this Bulletin. If you would like to have a map of Chiapas with its municipal and electoral districts, please e-mail a request to CIACH and we will send it to you as "attached mail" in Word for Windows. INFORMATION: CIACH is a non-governmental organization, created in 1985 with the goal of being an alternative source of training, analysis and investigation for social, campesino and indigenous organizations, NGOs, students and researchers. CIACH also has a newspaper data bank that dates from 1985 to the present, classified by topics pertinent to Chiapas. The Center also undertakes research and analysis regarding current topics in the state, it edits publications and carries out workshops on analysis and on mental health with social organizations. **************************************************** Dear Friends: Putting out this Bulletin on a weekly basis generates costs for CIACH. Help us ensure it will continue to reach you by sending your donation to CIACH, checking account no. 1000790-7, branch 437 of BANCOMER in San Cristobal, Chiapas, Mexico. If you make a deposit, please let us know the date and the amount. Thank you very much! ********************************************************* NOTICE ON REPODUCING THIS BULLETIN This La Opinion Bulletin may be reproduced by other means such as in Internet web pages or in printed matter, as long as the source and our e-mail address are cited. __________________________________________________________ Centro de Informacio'n y Ana'lisis de Chiapas, A.C. (CIACH) Flavio A. 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