Colombia: "BP's Secret Soldiers" id XAA14339; Wed, 8 Oct 1997 23:24:06 -0400 Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit source: Center for Defense Information 1500 Massachusetts Ave, NW, Washington, D.C. 20005 202/862-0700 (Voice), 202/862-0708 (Fax), disenber@cdi.org (Email) Below is the transcript of a past World in Action [UK] television episode broadcast earlier this year (1997). Delve into the details of our investigation and discover more about the people at the centre of the programme. COLOMBIA: BP's Secret Soldiers Colombia was born out of violence and is still at war with itself. To many, Colombia means drugs and corruption, but the cocaine trade masks a far more sinister conflict - a political dirty war against critics of the state. The Colombian Government rules through a state of emergency, which their feared security forces uses as an excuse to kill and torture those who speak out. Human rights groups estimate that 25,000 people have been killed for political reasons in the last decade - another 3,000 have been kidnapped and never seen again. The police and army are now under scrutiny from the United Nations and the European Parliament, who recently blacklisted Colombia. Their concern stems from the deadly partnership between the Colombian security forces and pro-government paramilitary groups. The generals use the well-armed, paramilitary killers to fight a dirty war against left wing guerrillas and basic civil protest. Daniel Bland, Human Rights Researcher: "Paramilitary groups could never exist without the support and sometimes active participation of local regional and national military and political authorities. The thing about paramilitary groups that makes them very special and very effective is that they are a deniable phenomenon as far as the armed forces are concerned and essentially they are relegating the dirty work of counter insurgency to armed civilians who they're co-ordinating and passing information to." It is in this repressive environment that BP operates. The Colombian Government needs a consortium headed by BP to develop huge oil reserves in the region of Casanare, by the foothills of the Andes. It's the biggest oil find in the Southern Hemisphere for twenty years and will last BP and its partners well into the next century. BP is currently the biggest investor in Colombia, sinking over a billion pounds into huge oil installations. Production will almost treble next year when the Casanare processing plant becomes fully operational. Oil has also attracted Colombia's powerful guerrilla forces, who have been at war with the Government for over 30 years. The guerrillas regularly attack pipelines which run through areas they control. This month, BP's installations and workers were declared a target by the guerrillas in Casanare. The oil giant evacuates its rigs if army protection in the surrounding areas falls below four platoons - about 120 soldiers. Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "Guerrillas have attacked the rig site with varying numbers of people some times four or five, sometimes greater numbers. They've fired anything between 60 and 400 or 500 rounds at the rig site and obviously put everybody on the rig site in danger." To protect its installations, BP and its oil partners first turned to the Colombian army. A Brigade of 3,000 men was specially created and based in Yopal, the capital of Casanare. In a controversial private contract worth seven million pounds, BP hired elite counter guerrilla soldiers. The soldiers brought to Casanare a strategy of dirty war which has been brutally successful elsewhere. Such special forces are currently under government investigation for alleged links to right wing paramilitary groups and for committing local human rights abuses. Senior Colombian politicians are deeply concerned about BP's financial relationship with the army. They believe BP's payments generate more violence than security, as soldiers overstep the mark to protect a valued client. Jose Fernando Castro Caycedo, Colombian Human Rights Ombudsman: "When we found out about this contract we decided to examine its legality and see if large numbers of soldiers are being diverted from our army, in order to keep watch over oil installations. We are examining if this is legal and constitutional or if soldiers are being diverted to the detriment of civilian security." Julio Cesar Rodriguez, Chair of the Oil Committee in Congress: "BP has to spend a fortune on security and unfortunately, although it=C6s not their policy, this leads to security forces threatening the local community." There is one part of BP=C6s security network which until now, the company has kept very secret. Five years ago BP hired a private company, Defence Systems Limited, to help protect its Colombian operation. The secretive company sells itself on the SAS credentials of its directors and staff. DSL is run by SAS hero Alastair Morrison. It provides specialist military services to governments and companies in 26 countries. When BP's secret soldiers landed in Casanare in 1992, the oil capita Yopal had become a boom town. Oil had greatly raised expectations, and some of those expectations have been met by BP and its partners through the funding of local community projects. But overall, the oil boom has produced more losers than winners Locals who speak out pay a heavy price. They live in fear, as the Colombian army allows paramilitary death squads to cleanse the area of perceived troublemakers. This month, June 1997, the freelance killers declared Casanare a war zone, to be taken by terror. BP is not behind the escalating paramilitary violence in Casanare, but its relationship with the army which pulls the paramilitary strings is very problematic. Daniel Bland, Human Rights Researcher: "In all the testimony we've received, any kind of organised protest against BP in any way, the leaders of those protests are singled out for persecution for harassment and for death threats." The people of El Morro, a community at the heart of BP=C6s newest oil field, have been hardest hit for standing up to the oil giant. At first locals welcomed BP. But things changed when they formed a community group and complained about damage to their road and natural water supply. In Latin America's so-called oldest democracy, basic protest can bring serious consequences. Gabriel Narvaez, Adviser El Morro Association: "On paper there is freedom of speech. But this is totally different in practice. In Colombia, to speak against the large state programmes, or those of the multinationals, is an act of suicide. It is almost like condemning oneself to death." Epemenio, President El Morro Association: "We are really restricted. We can't speak in meetings or in front of the community, because if we talk about benefits for our community we are putting a rope round our necks." One day after our meetings with the people of El Morro, there was a very sinister development. Gabriel, Epemenio and others from the village gathered in search of protection, because they had received death threats. Daniel Bland took notes at the meeting. Daniel Bland, Human Rights Researcher: "This is one of three death threats that was received early this morning. It says that all the people involved in the El Morro association have 30 days to stop their activities. It has an official stamp from the Convivir which is a front for paramilitary organisations. These kind of threats are not made in vain in this part of the country." The people of El Morro have learned this from bitter experience. Carlos Arregui and Gabriel Ascencio are among six who have been murdered since the group started campaigning over damage to their road. Gabriel Narvaez, Adviser El Morro Association: "Finally, BP is going to start paving the 18 km road - this project will largely benefit BP because it runs past where they are developing their oil installations. But if we do some simple maths we find that we have six deaths, in other words, one life for every three kilometres." The deaths sparked alarm in Bogota and led to a Government investigation in 1995. In the course of investigating the murders, government lawyers were told that BP was collaborating with army intelligence. A senior intelligence officer, Colonel Luis Garces, said photos of protestors had been provided by BP that were "very valuable" for his intelligence work. Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "There is no reference whatsoever in that inter-institutional report that BP have passed any photographs to the military." World In Action Journalist: "Yes but it is in the testimony of Colonel Garces, who was interviewed by the people who wrote that report and it is in his testimony." Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "The testimony states something that is along the lines of multinationals pass information but I can assure you ..." World In Action Journalist: "He actually names BP in his testimony." Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "I can assure you that BP does not pass information or photographs of people to the army." This is one of a number of assurances following BP's embarrassment over the Government investigation. BP says it has no command or control over the Colombian soldiers it continues to hire to defend its rig sites. The oil company says it seeks to promote a culture of peace and openness in Casanare. But World In Action has uncovered a very different security agenda behind these lofty principles. One which takes BP beyond the legitimate defence of its oil rigs. World In Action investigated a covert security network of ex-SAS men hired by BP, who do not officially exist. The activities of these secret soldiers goes beyond what BP admitted when World In Action was shown around the oil rigs. The man with overall responsibility for BP operations in Casanare is Phil Mead. He outlined for us the three official levels of security at the wells. Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "The first one is the employment of local labour to control the ingress into the site. People just take telephone calls that kind of thing. The second level is a static defence, which is comprised of normally about 30 policemen around the site, patrolling say 2 or 3 hundred metres out from the site. The third level is the defence that is provided by the military, as they patrol in the area. We never know where they go, but they patrol the area." The BP man made no mention of the secret soldiers sent to Casanare by DSC - Defence Systems Colombia, which is part of a one million pound deal between DSL and the oil company. Defence Systems Limited set up a company called Defence Systems Colombia, which handles this very valuable contract. In 1994, DSC prepared a confidential document which revealed that all its employees are approved by BP and that "the operational chain of command is designed to respond directly to BP Exploration at all levels." It boasts that DSC men have worked for the British Government and can "undertake a wide variety of different training", should BP so wish. A former DSC security advisor who worked for BP in Colombia until recently, spoke to World In Action about that 'different training', but he asked not to be identified. Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "We all knew that there was a Secret Police Training Team operating separately from the normal duties of the DSC employees that were working in the field." World In Action Journalist: "What was the job of the Secret Training Team?" Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "Well its secret, but they were providing lethal training to the police." The security advisor is referring to BP's secret role in providing lethal military training to the Colombian police, one of the world's worst human rights violators. He is one of several former advisors to have spoken to World In Action. All are concerned about BP=C6s training programme on the rigs. Colombian policemen posted on a BP rig also confirmed to us that they receive military training. They named their British trainers, apparently unaware how sensitive the operation is. Whenever regular policeman, armed by the authorities, arrive in Casanare they receive specialist military training provided by DSC. This lethal training has converted hundreds of policeman officially stationed on the rigs into mobile counter-guerrilla soldiers. BP confirmed to World in Action that it pays the police o3 million each year for protecting the rigs, but says it does not provide arms. Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "The Secret Training Team is employed by DSC. We have been told, the normal DSC employees in the field of British Petroleum, not to mention anything in any written report or any faxed message on security activities in the field, not to even mention or to put this in writing in any way shape or form." But World In Action has obtained a number of internal DSC faxes which show the secret police training team has been active since at least August 1996. One carefully worded fax states: "The police morale is high and they have expressed their enjoy of the training they have received. Good job to whoever was involved." Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "Here you have a normal policeman whose duties do not require him to patrol with a light automatic weapon in his hands. Now you have an advisor from the SAS or the United States special forces training the national police in military subjects, patrolling live fire. Soldier related activities, which he normally does not receive in his police academy." Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "We don't command and control weapons training. The police train the police. You wouldn't come into England and expect somebody to go and tell the police how to shoot weapons for instance. We need protection and we use experts in security because we are actually an oil and exploration company and that is our core business. Our core business isn't security, we use firms to give us advice on security training." But World In Action has learned how BP's own security department planned to take the secret police training team even further. On 21 January 1997 the head of BP security met with DSC in Bogota to review security arrangements. They discussed a Tactical Defence Plan to back up army protection of the rigs. In a document seen by World In Action, it was proposed that DSC "would be responsible for training a quick reaction force" to defend the rigs from attack. Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "The police are now being trained in military subjects. They are getting more involved with patrolling activities that are normal requirements of an infantry unit, which is definitely being seen by the population as another military force in the area." Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "The people are scared to death, you can see it on their faces as you go through the villages, you see them, no one is smiling. You see people watching every move you make, you can feel the tenseness in the air." Two SAS men who took part in this famous storming of the Iranian Embassy in London were architects of the original DSC strategy in Colombia. They both left the company with concerns at the new direction DSC and BP were taking. Because of their involvement in past counter-terrorist operations, we are not able to identitfy them. Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "The training began around June 1996. The police are being trained in lethal weapons handling, sniper fire and close quarter combat." Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "Training on site is a very bad idea because it puts the lives of people working on the rigs at risk if the guerrillas see or are told about it." BP's spokesman began to admit more about the training programme on the rigs. Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "I think it is not unreasonable to assume that training that does take place is aimed at the safety of people as you know." World In Action Journalist: "Are you saying the training does go on?" Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "I have said that there is training." World In Action Journalist: "And that training the local police?" Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "They are training them in areas of safety first aid and also in getting to know the area but they are not training them in counter-insurgency." BP has been meeting with various British human rights organisations in an attempt to rebuild local trust in Casanare. Amnesty International however was surprised to learn from World In Action about DSC operations for BP. Susan Lee, Researcher, Amnesty International: "In our discussions with BP Colombia we have not been informed of the presence of this particular security company in Colombia. I think that BP are running a very serious risk, if they are actively co-operating very closely with the Columbian army and police on training in counter insurgency techniques. In Colombia this has in practice almost inevitably lead to human rights violations in the past." There is an even more alarming aspect of BP's Secret Training Team which was revealed to us by the ex-SAS men. Former Security Advisor, Defense Systems Colombia: "They wear Colombian police uniforms so as not to draw any attention to themselves. I recommended that they shouldn't, but was over-ruled by DSC." The ex-SAS men said such a policy further damages local trust and BP's already tarnished reputation. Former Security Advisor, Defense Systems Colombia: "The locals already think that we are mercenaries. In fact some of the boys did come straight from Mozambique where DSL was training the local army in counter-insurgency warfare. That was a mercenary operation." Other former DSC security advisors have also told World In Action about a controversial proposal by DSC to set up a spy network in Casanare, to target anti-BP protestors. Human rights workers are worried that BP's secret soldiers will repeat the history of foreign security advisors in Colombia. Susan Lee, Researcher, Amnesty International: "The intervention of foreign security companies in the country has been disastrous. In the late 1980=C6s and early 1990=C6s foreign security companies were very active in the country. The combination of the Colombian armed forces with its strategy, its mentality of attacking or perceiving the civilian population as a potential enemy, combined with sophisticated military techniques, could be a very lethal alliance." BP has its own private airport terminal at Yopal. Private BP planes carry executives to and from Bogota. But we were told the plane and terminal have other uses for the secret training team. Our source said he saw weapons brought in by a named DSC trainer. Former Security Advisor, Defence Systems Colombia: "They move their weapons. They have one means with a black box, a hard case box. One box has the weapons, the other box has the ammunition. They looked like personal weapons, 9mm Smith and Wesson, Browning High Power, a type of small arms. They are not going through the normal procedure that the police and civilians utilized here in Columbia." DSL chairman, Alastair Morrison, declined to take part in this programme. In a written statement he said DSL always acts within the laws of those countries in which it operates. Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "DSC people do not carry arms neither do they ...." World In Action Journalist: "We have evidence to say that they do carry arms and that they carry them into Casanare through that terminal which we both went to." Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "DSC people do not carry arms, they do not wear uniforms and neither do they take part in operations. They provide advice." Since this interview, BP has admitted that DSC trainers have worn police uniforms on their rig sites. BP may boast of a worldwide commitment to peace and human rights. But in Colombia, its covert security operation casts serious doubt on these principles. Julio Cesar Rodriguez, Chair of Oil Committee in Congress: "To date we haven=C6t seen evidence of a convincing action on BP=C6s part to stop people pressurising, threatening and terrorising the local community in its name." Daniel Bland, Human Rights Researcher: "BP has tremendous leverage at the highest authorities in the Colombian Government. I think they have enough, economic leverage to set their own conditions and say we=C6re going to try and take another road here, and do it in a way that's not going to destroy communities." Phil Mead, Associate President, BP Colombia: "Our main aim is to work within the community over the long term. We=C6re there for 20 or 30 years. We=C6re not there to terrorise the community, to frighten the community." Three government bodies are now investigating BP's relationship with the Colombian security forces. But none have yet examined its relationship with DSC and the way some believe the drive for oil, is fuelling the dirty war. David Isenberg, Senior Research Analyst CDI's ONLY genuine former enlisted man Center for Defense Information 1500 Massachusetts Ave, NW, Washington, D.C. 20005 202/862-0700 (Voice), 202/862-0708 (Fax), disenber@cdi.org (Email) Arms Trade Data Base Web Site: http://www.cdi.org/atdb WAIS Users: wais.cdi.org database atdb Arms Trade Listserver Archive: http://mail2.cdi.org/archives/armstrade ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= nytsa-10.08.97-23:24:06-1058