11/18/98 Roundup of Indonesia Demonstrations Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit From John Percy November 19, 1998 From Democratic Socialist Party, Australia Dear Comrades, Attached below are a number of statements and articles on the recent huge mobilisations in Indonesia during the stage-managed sitting of the Suharto-Habibie "People's Consultative Assembly." * A statement issued by the Democratic Socialist Party on November 18, 1998. * A statement issued by Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET) on November 18. * An article by Max Lane, "Indonesians demand: Army out!", from the November 18 Green Left Weekly. * An explanation of the organisations that participated in the demonstrations. * A special appeal received by ASIET for money to buy medicines, vitamins and other needs for the students under attack in Jakarta. The overwhelming popular support for these actions indicates that mass mobilisations will continue in the future, and international solidarity will be all the more needed. For further information you can access the updated ASIET web page: http://www.peg.apc.org/~asiet/welcome.htm, which now has an ASIET daily news update. Other information will be available on the Green Left Weekly site, http://www.peg.apc.org/~greenleft/, or the DSP site, http://www.peg.apc.org/~dsp/. Comradely greetings, John Percy National secretary DSP _________________________________________________ Wed November 18, 1998 STATEMENT BY DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA Indonesian students and masses reject military rule More martyrs to the struggle for democracy have fallen in Indonesia. At least 15 people -- students, high school activists, journalists and others -- were shot by forces of the state between November 10-14. Hundreds more were hospitalised as a result of being shot at close range by rubber-coated bullets or from being beaten. The DSP adds its condemnation to these acts of murderous violence carried out by the repressive state apparatus. The extraordinary bravery, combativeness and solidarity shown by students and masses alike during those 4 days tells us all clearly that the days of the Habibie-Wiranto regime are numbered. The people have shown that they are prepared to fight for their rights. At this particular point in time, they have shown above all that they are prepared to fight to end the use of the military for repressive political purposes. It has been the ordinary masses, workers and farmers, as well as students that have again and again suffered at the hands of the military. Every time workers or farmers have organised to demand improvements in their conditions, or to assert their rights over their farm lands, they have been met with violence. The list of massacres and murders is almost endless. Time and time again when students have acted in solidarity with workers or farmers, or even simply raised demands for political liberalisation, they have been faced with arrest, torture and disappearance. Since 1965 when Suharto and his clique organised the systematic murder of at least one million people in order to crush the Indonesian left and terrorise Indonesia's workers and farmers, military might and terror have been the main weapon used to defend the interests of a small group of super-wealthy families, headed by the Suharto family, along with that of the interests of an increasing number of giant transnational corporations, exploiting Indonesia's resources and labour in a most grotesque way. Not only has Indonesia's natural wealth been sucked out of land and sea for the enrichment of these families and their overseas partners, but in the process the country has become saddled with a debt of more than US$150 billion to these same imperialist blood suckers. Since May, and especially with these more recent events, the centres of imperialism, especially Washington, have become more and more concerned that repression alone will be insufficient to defend their interests in times of economic crisis and hardship for the Indonesian people. Washington now urges a combination of repression and "democracy". Sections of the social and economic elite excluded from power during the Suharto period now pose as democrats and seek the peoples support against Suharto and Habibie. In their efforts to seek a place under the sun for themselves, they constantly urge "moderation" on the students and masses telling them that the best way to solve the social, economic and political crisis in Indonesia is to trust in these recent democrats. They tell the masses that they will have the right to choose who they trust most among these new born fighters for democracy at the next elections. This is also the option that Washington is supporting. At the same time, among the masses, there are many signs that there is an awakening -- at least the beginning of the awakening -- of the idea that workers, peasants, other poor and exploited and students should unite in their own organisations. Action committees, farmers and workers groups, and trade unions are just some of the forms that this is taking. Student action forums involving large numbers of students with different political outlooks were central in the November 10-14 mobilisations. It is even reported that here and there in different villages "peoples administrations" have been established. We note too that in the vanguard of advocating the independent organisation of the workers, farmers and students for the struggle for full democracy is the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD), founded only two years ago in 1996. The DSP expresses its solidarity with all those working to build the independent organisation of workers, farmers and students as the basis for a truly democratic power. At the same time the DSP pledges its support for the current struggle of the broad students movement in Indonesia to end the use of the military for repression and to win democracy. The DSP adds its name to all those organisations around the world calling for the release of all political prisoners, including East Timorese leader Xanana Gusmao and PRD leaders Budiman Sujatmiko and Dita Sari. The DSP condemns also the actions taken against anti-regime personalities such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Ali Sadikin, Permadi and others in the wake of the November 10-14 protests. Long live the peoples struggle in Indonesia! Long live the Indonesian students movement! * Wed, 18 Nov 1998 ASIET STATEMENT ON THE VIOLENT REPRESSION OF STUDENT AND MASS DEMONSTRATIONS IN JAKARTA, INDONESIA, NOVEMBER 10-14, 1998. The following statement is issued by Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET), the main Australian based organisation supporting both the grassroots democracy movement in Indonesia and the popular resistance in East Timor. 1. ASIET joins the popular condemnation, in Indonesia and internationally, of the violent attacks by the Armed Forces of Indonesia against the student and mass protests that took place in Jakarta between November 10 and 14, 1998. ASIET offers its sincere condolences to the family and friends of the students, high school pupils and journalists who were killed or injured by this military violence. ASIET is organising and/or supporting actions in Australian cities being held on November 16, 17 and 18 to protest the military violence against the students and masses. ASIET also protests the moves by the regime of President Habibie and General Wiranto to arrest opposition personalities and scapegoat them for the disturbances of November 10-13. ASIET has organised public meetings on November 28 in Sydney and December 3 in Melbourne with guest speakers, East Timorese leader, Jose Ramos Horta and Indonesian democracy leader and former political prisoner, Wilson bin Nurtias where there will be discussion of the future of Indonesia and East Timor and what people outside of Indonesia must do to help the struggle for freedom in those two countries. 2. The huge mobilisations of students and masses in Jakarta and at least 16 other cities in Indonesia indicates above all that the Indonesian people are NOT satisfied with the change of regime from Suharto to his chosen successor combination, President B.J. Habibie and General Wiranto. The size, militancy and geographical spread of the demonstrations were bigger in November than they were in May when General Suharto was still president. The anger and discontent of the masses has not been lessened. It has become obvious that only a complete end to any role for the military in Indonesian political life, the resignation of Habibie and Wiranto, and the establishment of a provisional government untainted by ties with the old Suharto regime which can guarantee free elections will satisfy the immediate demands and needs of the people. ASIET states its support for all the efforts of all the democratic forces in Indonesia to achieve these ends. 3. It is also the position of ASIET that at this time, the forces of international solidarity around the world must again raise their voices loudly on behalf of those victims of the old Suharto regime who are still in prison or disappeared. The regime of President Habibie and General Wiranto has still not released Budiman Sujatmiko, Dita Sari, Anom Astika, Petrus Haryanto, Anom Astika and other members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD). There are still fourteen political activists from various groups who were kidnapped before May 1998 and have still not reappeared. ASIET urges all groups around the world to re-launch their campaigns to demand the freedom of these heroes of the democracy movement. 4. As an Australian based organisation, ASIET condemns and rejects the recent statements of support for the regime of President B.J., Habibie that have been made by Australian Prime Minister John Howard. On November 15, Howard stated in regards to the Habibie-Wiranto regime's efforts at political liberalisation and vis-a-vis East Timor: "Dr Habibie has gone further than many of his critics suggested." Prime Minister Howard has since invited President Habibie to visit Australia. These statements are tantamount to saying that the shooting dead by military of at least 14 unarmed protesters and the injuring of hundreds more is evidence of reform. Howard is NOT unaware that there are still many political prisoners in Habibie's prisons. Howard is NOT unaware that those responsible for numerous massacres have not even been called for questioning. Howard is NOT unaware that many East Timorese, including Xanana Gusmao, are in gaol. Howard is NOT unaware that the East Timorese resistance is still excluded from all so-called negotiations on the East Timor question. Howard is NOT unaware that there has been no real reduction in Indonesian military presence in East Timor. The Australian government's continuing military ties with the Indonesian military are tantamount to agreement to help the Habibie-Wiranto regime in its acts of repression. ASIET demands that the Australian government cut all military ties with Jakarta. ASIET condemns the invitation for Habibie to visit Australia. ASIET states its intentions to combine with all other groups and individuals who oppose such a visit to organise demonstrations against Habibie should he come to Australia. * Source: Green Left Weekly 341, November 18, 1998, p3 Indonesians demand: Army out! By Max Lane At least 15 dead -- including five university students and one high school activist -- and more than 300 seriously injured: that was the cost of the stage-managed meeting of the Indonesian regime's People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), which pushed through decrees confirming the doctrine of the dual function of the armed forces. The meeting ended on November 13. Ida Nuraini, a member of the radical People's Democratic Party's (PRD) central leadership council, was shot in the head with a rubber-coated bullet and is in a serious condition in a Jakarta hospital. There are unconfirmed reports that two activists from the Megawati Supporters' Committee (KPM) were also killed. Other PRD student activists are also unaccounted for (see accompanying appeal). The deaths and injuries were caused by troops under the orders of armed forces chief General Wiranto shooting into the crowds of peaceful protesters. The establishment daily newspaper Kompas described the soldiers' shooting as membabi buta -- like that of a blind pig. PRD activists contacted by Green Left Weekly agreed. MPR The MPR failed to alter the role of the military in the political system established by the dictator Suharto after the 1965 bloodbath. The 1000-member body, comprising mostly people appointed or approved by Suharto (with a few appointed by Suharto's successor, B.J. Habibie), approved the domination of the armed forces over the political system. Fifty-five military officers will be appointed to the Indonesian parliament. The military structure, which reaches into every village, remained untouched. The timetable for elections and a new sitting for the MPR remains intact, guaranteeing Habibie the presidency until at least December 1999. The elections will be organised and implemented by the Habibie-Wiranto regime. An appeal from the moderate opposition leaders, Megawati Sukarnoputri, Amien Rais and Abdurrahman Wahid, for an independent election committee was ignored. This body of Suharto-Habibie appointees was able to conclude its phoney deliberations only because of the presence of 30,000 troops mobilised to prevent the parliament building from being occupied by more than 500,000 students, urban poor and workers. Without the thousands of troops ringing the building, with their tear gas, water cannons, tanks and armoured personnel carriers, the MPR would have been aborted and, quite possibly, the Habibie-Wiranto regime would have fallen. The Habibie-Wiranto regime now rests only on the support of the military and its willingness to use violence against the people. The regime stands condemned and isolated. More confrontations will follow. Students united More than 150,000 students mobilised on November 12 and 13. These mobilisations also drew hundreds of thousands of workers and urban poor. Indonesian state radio reported that 1 million people mobilised on November 12. A similar number mobilised on November 13. The massive mobilisations resulted from a new level of unity achieved by the student movement in Jakarta. At the end of October, a new alliance called AKRAB was formed. AKRAB brought together all the major student activist groups, and the organised worker, urban poor and activist groups that support the demand for a complete abolition of the military's role in politics and which reject the legitimacy of the MPR. AKRAB organised a demonstration of about 20,000 people in the first week of November. The success of this mobilisation strengthened the cooperation between these groups and ensured that the protests during the MPR session would be well planned and coordinated. Assembly points were selected in the eastern, western, southern and northern parts of Jakarta and march routes into the city centre to the parliamentary buildings chosen. There was agreement on the major demands, such as an end to any role for the military in politics, rejection of the MPR and the formation of a transitional government to organise free elections. There was a consensus that the students should call on the other sections the Jakarta population to join the mobilisations. This healed the divisions that had previously existed between those who supported a student alliance with the non-student masses and those opposed it. In the May mobilisations, a majority of the FORKOT mobilising committee had voted against involving non-students. Students moved through workers' neighbourhoods and encouraged people to join the demonstrations. Residents along the routes offered drinks, food and money donations. Workers, poor join in In the east of the city, students from the universities in the area, the PRD, KOBAR, KOMRAD, KPM and FAMRED (see box for details of these groups) mobilised their forces. By the late afternoon of November 12, activists estimate that between 500,000 and 1 million people were moving along the streets. Large numbers also joined in the eastern mobilisations, under the coordination of FORKOT. Marshals were assigned along the route to protect shops owned by Indonesian-Chinese, as well as banks. One lane was kept open so traffic could pass. During the huge mobilisations, there was almost no damage to property, driving home the lesson that, with a clear political direction given to mass mobilisations, riots can be avoided. On November 11, apparently without agreement from the police, the army sent several thousand paid thugs, armed with sharpened bamboo sticks, to help defend the parliament. The students fought back. The Jakarta urban poor poured out of their neighbourhoods, some armed with air rifles and other weapons, to defend the students. The gangs of thugs quickly retreated and were ordered back to their villages. The use of thugs was widely criticised. General Wiranto defended the deployment: Why should anybody criticise people who just want to make things safe?. The police distanced themselves from the gangs. Rumours spread that the paramilitary groups of the rightist Muslim group FIRKAN, associated with the Star and Crescent Party, were to be mobilised against the students. According to PRD activists, this was stymied when the paramilitary group of the more moderate Nahdatul Ulama (NU), headed by oppositionist Abdurrahman Wahid, threatened to side with the students. NU youth activists, influenced by a Muslim liberation theology, were also active in the student mobilisations, especially in FAMRED. Pitched battle On the evening of November 12, between 7.30 and 10pm, a pitched battle took place between about 15,000 demonstrators and the troops defending the parliament building. The demonstrators had broken through blockades on the eastern and western approaches and made it to the gates of the MPR grounds. Charge and counter-charge took place between the students and soldiers. Scores of students were injured. The worst military violence took place in the late afternoon and evening of November 13. Soldiers indiscriminately fired rubber-coated bullets into the crowds. Workers and urban poor had mobilised significantly and they accounted for many of the hundreds who were injured. The masses and students fought back with rocks, projectiles and molotov cocktails. Protests also occurred in other cities. In Solo, students occupied the local parliament. In Yogyakarta, the state radio station was occupied. Demonstrations also occurred in north Sumatra. The solidarity between students, workers and the urban poor, combined with increased organisation and militancy, represents a real threat to the regime. Attempts to stifle militancy The most moderate of the student groups, FKMSJ, on November 10 and 11 virtually kidnapped moderate opposition leaders Megawati Sukarnoputri and Amien Rais so that they could meet with the NU's Abdurrahman Wahid and the liberal ruling party figure, Sultan Hamengkubuwono. The FKMSJ students hoped these four leaders would demand that government power be transferred to a presidium of these leaders. Instead, they issued a mealy-mouthed statement that essentially recognised the MPR session, called on it to make sure that elections, organised by an independent body, were carried out in May and that a new government was formed within three months of the election. The leaders called for the military's role in politics to be phased out over six years. Disappointed by the statement, many FKMSJ students deserted the meeting and joined the street demonstrations on November 13. On November 13, Amien Rais explicitly appealed to the students to halt the mobilisations on the grounds that chaos would give the military an excuse to seize power. Faisal Reza, the newly elected chairperson of the central leadership council of the PRD, held a press conference on November 13 to reject the statement issued by Megawati, Amien Rais, Abdurrahman Wahid and Sultan Hamengkubuwono. The statement gives us nothing and is out of step with the people's demands, Reza said. Their statement legitimises the MPR, which is made up of Suharto appointees. The MPR has not ended the military's role in politics. The decree on corruption only mentions Suharto in passing. There was no firm decision to hold Suharto to account for the crimes and massacres in East Timor, Aceh, Tanjung Priok, Lampung and other areas. Faisal Reza reiterated that the PRD would continue to organise extra-parliamentary mass action. [Max Lane is national coordinator of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor. He recently returned from a visit to Indonesia.] * Source: Green Left Weekly 341, November 18, 1998, p4 Organisations that participated in the demonstrations Forum Kota (FORKOT -- City Forum) -- A cross-campus activist coalition established in May. It was one of the two student coalitions that organised the occupation of the parliament in May. It includes supporters of Megawati Sukarnoputri, as well as activists from the more radical nationalist Murba Party. Its strongest base is on the Christian University of Indonesia. It has no base on the University of Indonesia. The People's Democratic Party (PRD) also has a presence in FORKOT. The tendencies are united by opposition to the military. Many FORKOT students are hostile to Amien Rais. Along with the PRD, FORKOT has been attacked by rightist groups as communist. Front Aksi Mahasiswa untuk Reformasi Damai (FAMRED -- Student Action Front for Peaceful Reform) -- A breakaway from FORKOT based on a large number of smaller campuses. It has a radical anti-military orientation. Young activists from the Nahdatul Ulama, influenced by Muslim liberation theology, are influential. Forum Kommunikasi Senat Mahasiswa Jakarta (FKSMJ -- Jakarta Student Senate Communication Forum) -- The most moderate student group, led by students from the formal student ``representative'' institutions established by the regime a few years ago. They have gradually radicalised and have adopted the demand for an end to the military's role in politics. Komite Mahasiswa and Rakyat anti Dwifungsi ABRI (KOMRAD -- Student and People's Committee against the Dual Role of the Armed Forces) -- KOMRAD is a militant student organisation with both an anti-militarist and anti-capitalist platform. It is under the political influence of the PRD but has many non-PRD members. Komite Buruh untuk Aksi Reformasi (KOBAR -- Workers' Committee for Reform Action) -- A worker-student group formed after May by radicalised University of Indonesia students. It has a strong base in the factories in the Tangerang industrial area outside Jakarta, in north Jakarta and the city of Bogor. Komite Penduklung Megawati (KPM -- Megawati Supporters' Committee) -- A mainly urban poor-based organisation of militant supporters of Megawati Sukarnoputri, increasingly disenchanted with Megawati's moderate politics. KPM includes people with a clear leftist orientation. Forum Bersama (FORBES -- Joint Forum) -- The organisation with the smallest activist base. It is under the influence of the political groups PIJAR and ALDERA, some of whose members have joined the ``moderate'' parties, such as Amien Rais' National Mandate Party. In addition to these organised forces, many groups based on single campuses mobilised, including students from Trisakti University, where three students were shot dead in May. * source: Green Left Weekly 341, November 18, 1998, p3 Special appeal Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor (ASIET) has received an urgent appeal for money to buy medicines, vitamins and other needs for the students under attack in Jakarta. Money can be sent: * by international telegraphic transfer direct to Jakarta to the bank account of: J. Hariyanto, Bank Central Asia, Sabang Branch, account no. 028 139 844 9. Make sure you include the words: Donation for students from ASIET appeal in Australia; or * to the ASIET People's Power Fighting Fund, Commonwealth Bank account no. 2026 1006 0743; or * by cheque to the ASIET People's Power Fighting Fund, PO Box 458, Broadway 2007. Cheques should be payable to the People's Power Fighting Fund. ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= nytas-11.19.98-20:48:55-27957