Irish Republican Info Svc #239 =========== Posted to multiple newsgroups and lists =========== ===== Redistribute *only* with full header and signature! ===== Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 239) Teach Daithi O Conaill 223 Parnell Street Dublin 1, Ireland Phone: +353-1-872-9747; FAX: +353-1-872-9757; e-mail: saoirse@iol.ie September 9, 1998 Internet resources maintained by SAOIRSE - Irish Freedom: http://iol.ie/~saoirse/rsflinks.htm JUDICIAL INTERNMENT INTRODUCED: HUMAN RIGHTS UNDERMINED HUMAN rights were massively denied in Omagh on August 15 in a most horrific way and on a scale not seen since 33 lives were lost in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings by British-backed loyalists in 1974. The carnage in Omagh was a most flagrant breach of the humanitarian laws of war. The London and Dublin governments for their part seized the opportunity to rush through the British parliament and Leinster House coercive legislation hastily formulated. This is designed to crush all political opposition to the Stormont Agreement which seeks to perpetuate English rule in Ireland by involving nationalists in its administration. On August 18, Mr Ahern actually named Republican Sinn Fein as an organisation he intended to "break". We stand alone and are proud to have led the political opposition to the Stormont Agreement which updated and strengthened British rule here rather than ended it. Republican Sinn Fein is a political organisation dating from 1917 which since reorganisation in 1986 has contested four referendums (Single European Act, Maastricht, Amsterdam and the Stormont Agreement) and two sets of local elections as well as Udaras na Gaeltachta elections. Our 23 candidates at local elections in the Six Counties in 1989 were refused nomination because they refused to sign the political test oath imposed by the Thatcher regime in 1988. Mr Ahern has threatened to smash this political organisation which has its roots deep in Irish history. He seeks to use this opportunity to break up finally the 5 to 6 % recorded opposition in the 26 Counties to the New Stormont and cement English rule in place. The thousands of Irish citizens, North and South, who campaigned and voted against the Stormont Agreement have their civil rights too. These rights include the right to hold a political opinion and to express and advocate it publicly. People in positions of leadership, like Mr Ahern, have a duty to safeguard and promote these civil rights of political opinion and freedom of expression. To do otherwise is to declare that the 29% in the Six Counties and the 5.6% in the 26 Counties have no rights at all. Republican Sinn Fein will continue to work politically for British disengagement from the 32 Counties and for a new four-province federal Ireland with maximum devolution of power to local level as well as for the political, cultural, social and economic regeneration of the Irish nation. OMAGH SLAUGHTER UNJUSTIFIABLE IMMEDIATELY after the disastrous bombing at Omagh on August 15 Republican Sinn Fein in a public statement said that it was an action that was neither controlled nor disciplined and could not be condoned in any way. Sympathy was expressed to the bereaved, the injured and their relatives, and to the people of Omagh. Ruairi O Bradaigh, Republican Sinn Fein President, said on August 19 that the slaughter of innocents at Omagh was totally unjustifiable and the organisation deplored and rejected the "absolute inhumanity of it". He quoted the 1916 Proclamation: ". . .we pray that no one who serves that cause will dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity or rapine". Politically it strengthened the New Stormont and with it English rule in Ireland. He continued: "It is a severe setback to the project of achieving British government disengagement from Ireland and blurs British responsibility for the situation here." Questions remain about the circumstances of the bombing. In particular why the RUC did not clear the whole street in Omagh down to the Dublin Road as was their normal practice in such emergencies? Especially as the third telephone warning said it was located 200-300 yards from the courthouse. Why were people not allowed to escape down side-streets but instead herded into Market Street where the bomb was located? Why were no RUC personnel even injured in the explosion? It must be borne in mind that the RUC are among the main beneficiaries of the tragedy of Omagh. A discredited colonial police force facing "reform" or even disbandment has been granted more repressive police powers and may hold on to its huge numbers (13,000). Local people have pointed to strong evidence that the photograph being circulated purporting to show the car containing the bomb minutes before it exploded is a fake. LAWYERS WARN OF ABUSES IN REPRESSIVE LAWS NECESSITY has always been used by ruling elites as an excuse for tyranny. Public outrage against atrocities would seem to justify their stance. But while London and Dublin combine against those who campaigned and voted against the Stormont Agreement, a group of lawyers have said they would be loathe to take part in a charade that denied their clients an adequate defence in British Courts. On August 28, prominent members of the legal profession in the Six Counties and England, 39 in all, put their names to a statement, protesting at the "acknowledged draconian legislation" which they said "disregarded a subject's right to liberty." Rosemary Nelson, one of the signatories said, "It is ironic that the new legislation being prepared for enactment comes in the year of the 50th anniversary of the United Nations declaration which sought to guarantee human rights." The lawyers point out that "police excesses" in the Six Counties have been recognised both nationally and internationally, and in the early part of this year the UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers produced a report which was highly critical of current and past RUC practises. The full statement is printed here with the list of signatories: "Whilst not in any way seeking to minimise the horror of the recent bomb in Omagh, we nevertheless consider it to be incumbent on us as lawyers to express grave disquiet at the resulting legislative changes. "Existing emergency legislation and its application has consistently led to violations of human rights and concerns have been expressed from many quarters that its continued use has contributed greatly to a public lack of confidence in the rule of law. "It had been hoped that application of the provisions of the Agreement would substantially restore such confidence. "Existing legislation provides for prolonged periods of detention without the right of access to legal advice. "As a general rule detainees have been denied the right to have legal representatives present during interrogation and at present the detainee is not afforded even the safeguard of audio-visual recording of such interrogation. "It is inevitable, therefore, that the powers vested in police in such circumstances have been open, and subject to, grave abuses. "Police excesses, particularly in the Six Counties, have been recognised both nationally and internationally and in the early part of this year the UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers produced a report which was highly critical of current and past RUC practices. "The Agreement has led to the establishment of an Independent Commission on Policing with a view to reforming the RUC. It is astonishing, therefore, that it is proposed that a belief expressed by a member of that force that an accused is a member of a proscribed organisation will be sufficient to deprive the accused of his liberty. "Clearly this situation creates an unwinable position for the accused and his defence lawyers and further creates insurmountable difficulties for application for due process of the law. "Furthermore, it is proposed that the accused's right to silence will be distorted in such a manner as to allow such silence to be used as corroborative evidence against him. "The European Court of Human Rights has ruled that the refusal to permit a detainee access to his/her lawyer in conjunction with adverse inferences legally drawn from the exercise of the right to silence is a violation of the right to a fair trial. "New legislative proposals are in direct contravention of the principles are in direct contravention of the principles established by this judgement, and will no doubt attract further adverse judgements against both governments in the European Court of Human Rights. "Public faith in the rule of law is essential in a democracy. It is inconceivable that such faith can exist in the face of acknowledged "draconian" legislation which disregards to a large extent the subject's right to liberty. "Such legislation invalidates any commitment to ensure respect for human rights and weconsider it to be a retrograde step with potentially far-reaching and dangerous consequences. Signed: Solicitors from the Six Counties: Rosemary Nelson, Canice McManus, Philip Breen, Eileen Carlin, Patricia Coyle,Padraigmn Drmnan, Patrick Fahey, Michael Flannigan, Oliver Kelly, James McCann, John Vincent McCann, Pearse McDermott, Paddy McGurk, Iamon McMenamin, Frank Roberts, Ciaran Steele, PatrickVernon, Katrina Breslin, Kevin Casey, Desmond Doherty, John Fahy, Michael Fearon, Paul Graham. Gregory McCartney, Paddy McDermott, Fergus McCafferty, Martin Brennan, Paul Farrell, Seamus Leonard,Rory O'Connell, Lancaster University, Patrick Twomey, University of Nottingham, Human Rights Law Centre. Solicitors in England: Benedict Birnberg, Tim Greene, Kapil Juj, Fiona Murphy, Ciaran Conaghan, Michael McColgan, John Davies, Andrew Rathbone. 26 COUNTIES: CHARTER FOR A POLICE STATE THE new repressive law in the 26 Counties  known as the Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act 1998  is a charter for police abuse and a police state.  The Leinster House Bill provides that refusal to answer questions from police will be regarded as corroborative evidence against that person. This in effect means that in situations where the political police want to imprison somebody on a membership charge all they have to do is to testify that he or she has refused to answer questions, whether or not such person refused to answer questions. The officers could then give it as their opinion that such person is a member of an 'illegal' organisation. This carries a penalty of seven years imprisonment. There is no provision in the Bill for the recording of such interrogations or the presence of a lawyer, a fact pointed out by Amnesty International. Amnesty International has once again spoken of its concerns made to the Dublin administration in March of last year, which included the ill-treatment of suspects in the Garda McCabe killing. Leinster House promised to investigate this. Nothing has happened.  A new offence is created of "directing an unlawful organisation" which carries a penalty of up to life imprisonment.  Another new offence is created of training persons in the making or use of firearms or explosives. The penalty is a fine or imprisonment up to ten years or both.  In relation to membership charges an accused person must inform the prosecution of any defence witnesses before going to court. This is wide open for the Special Branch police to harass and attempt to intimidate these witnesses.  The reference to "conduct" of an accused person on a membership charge under the 1972 Act is being redefined in the Bill to include "movements, activities, actions or associations". Association with an accused person is to be regarded as evidence of guilt. This reeks of McCarthism: guilt by association. The scope for abuse is enormous. If a person under interrogation neglects to mention facts useful in his or her defence, this will be taken as evidence of guilt. This in effect means that a person who may forget to mention details in his or her defence, due to nervousness and apprehension, that failure will be regarded by the court as corroboration of their guilt. Police perjury is never suspected.  A new offence is created that a person has collected, recorded or possesses information which could be useful for anti-government purposes. The accused must prove that such information was obtained for a lawful purpose. Again this can be used against political activists, journalists and trade unionists. A person could be jailed for up to ten years or fined or both for this.  Another new offence is created where a person believes or knows he or she has information which might be of material assistance in preventing an offence or securing an arrest and fails to report such information. It means spouses will be threatened for failing to inform on their partners or parents on their children. The police could force confessions from people by threatening to prosecute a loved one unless they "co-operate". The penalty is a fine or imprisonment up to five years.  Anyone caught in possession of an article which could be of use to "terrorists" must be able to prove they had such article for a lawful purpose. Again this is open to abuse. The penalty is a fine or imprisonment up to ten years or both.  The period of detention in custody under the Offences Against the State Act is to beextended from 48 hours to 72 hours on application to court from a senior police officer. A person may then also be re-arrested for a further 24 hours on the same charge (after being released without charge) following information supplied to a district court on the oath of a police officer. Again police perjury is never open to question.  Provision for the seizure of property and for unlimited fines are also included in the Bill in relation to convictions for possession of firearms or explosives. This effectively means family farms, shops, even the family or personal home may be confiscated. Again this is open to "serious abuse"; what is to stop a person entering a family farm, shop or home and depositing incriminating material on the property? What is to stop somebody from pushing such incriminating material through an open window or back door? SIX COUNTIES/BRITAIN: 'SPEAK OR BE DAMNED' THE British Criminal Justice (Terrorism and Conspiracy) Act imitates the 26-County repressive legislation in introducing the "opinion" of a senior police officer as evidence that a person is a member of an illegal organisation. Further evidence is required to secure a conviction.  It also mimics the Dublin measures in giving power to seize money or property of a person convicted of an offence "relating to a proscribed organisation when the person convicted is a member of an organisation not maintaining a complete ceasefire". The power extends to forfeiture of money or property if the court "believes it may be used in connection with" illegal activities "or their furtherance if it is not confiscated".  Also included in the British coercive laws is limits on the right to silence where a court can draw an "inference" from the defendant's refusal to answer questions in custody. No inference can be drawn unless the accused first had the opportunity to see a solicitor.  The courts can also draw an inference from an accused person's failure to mention a fact "which is material to the offence and which he could reasonably be expected to mention".  Persons can be arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (1989) on suspicion of committing certain offence in the Six Counties. The PTA includes penalties of up to 10 years imprisonment for membership of a proscribed organisation.  A new offence of conspiracy within the 'United Kingdom' to commit offences outside the 'United Kingdom' is created. The alleged offence must be against the law in both the 'UK' and the country concerned. (Presumably this offence excludes members of the British Intelligence Services, knownas MI6, who commit offences in other countries as a matter of British government policy!) John Woodham of the civil rights group Liberty (formerly the National Council for Civil Liberties) said on September 2 that the provisions were "the single most draconian piece of legislation" designed by any government since World War II. He added: "The structure of this Bill gives unprecedented importance to the unsubstantiated opinion of a police officer and will, like the Star Chamber, force the subject to speak or be damned. It is also likely to make dissidents from other repressive regimes a target of police harassment and prosecution. I find it utterly shocking that this has been introduced by a government which regularly proclaims its commitment to human rights." Leading barrister Michael Mansfield has said that a senior police officer could claim in court that the evidence of a defendant's membership of an illegal organisation was a "security" matter which could not be divulged. He said there were already too many situations in which decisions are made behind closed doors and in camera. PROVO ACTION: DENIAL OF FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND POLITICAL EXPRESSION In a statement on September 3 by Ruairi O Bradaigh, President, Republican Sinn Fein, said: "Republican Sinn Fein speaks out and puts on record its protest against the highly co-ordinated intimidation of members of the 32-County Sovereignty Movement by groups of Provisionals on Tuesday night, September 1. "Threats issued under pain of death were stated to have included warnings not to speak against the Stormont Agreement and to "make amends within a fortnight." "That this action in threatening people in their homes took place in many counties within an hour and a half indicates the detailed and centralised planning involved. "It was clearly official Provisional policy to do so thereby seeking to deny the right to freedom of speech and political expression. What price the Mitchell Principles now, Messrs Clinton, Blair, Ahern and Adams? "Further, coming as these threats did on the evening of the day of Mr Adams's soft-line statement, on the eve of repressive legislation being introduced in Westminster and Leinster House and 36 hours before President Clinton's visit suggests action in concert on many fronts and a clear pattern of co-ordination. "Will this massive intimidation and denial of civil and political rights be condemned in Washington, London, Belfast or Dublin? It is safe to assume it will not as it is the view in such quarters that the New Stormont and with it British rule must be protected at all costs. "New British and 26-County coercive measures are being supplemented by the actions on the ground of the Provisional poachers  turned  gamekeepers. While we have no links with the 32-County Sovereignty Movement, Republican Sinn Fein feels duty bound to protest against this combined denial of the right to hold a political opinion and to express and advocate it publicly." ULSTER EXECUTIVE CONDEMNS PROVO THREATS THE Ulster Executive of Republican Sinn Fein, reacting to the report in the Irish Times (September 3) condemned the threats issued by the Provisional Sinn Fein's party militia against members of the 32 County Movement. A spokesman for Comhairle Uladh described the threats as "proof of the Provisionals' role as the new Stormont death squads". The spokesman stated that Republican Sinn Fein that all genuine Republicans should distance themselves completely from this defunct movement as it begins to emulate the British secret service in Ireland. The issuing of these threats indicates that a co-ordinated and well-planned clampdown by the British and Free State legislators and the Provisional grouping against those who dare to oppose the re-imposition of Stormont rule has begun. The spokesman went on to reaffirm Republican Sinn Fein's commitment to ending British rule in Ireland, in whatever form it takes, and said that "nearly 30 years of British military policy, encapsulated in the writings of Frank Kitson, has consistently failed to do what the Provisionals are now trying to do, that is to eradicate resistance to the British occupation of Ireland." He added, "this action confirms that the Provisionals have been completely bought into the new colonial regime in the Six Counties and the questions needs to be asked - are they now prepared to kill for it? He concluded: "Republican Sinn Fein calls on Irish Republicans not to be bend to any threats issued by the new Stormont Death Squad. Now that new oppressive legislation has been passed on both sides of England's partitionist border in Ireland Irish people will have to beware raids from the RUC, Garda Special Branch and their new colleagues, the Provisionals. Therefore Republicans should take measures to protect themselves from Stormont's newest collaborators." LOYALISTS BURN DOWN THREE PORTADOWN NATIONALIST BUSINESSES WHILE Constitutional politicians go through the motions (phoney arguments et al) of putting the new Stormont into effect, loyalists are indulging in a 'clean sweep' campaign against the nationalist community. Crown forces are oblivious the ongoing terror campaign against in areas like Portadown. At 3am on September 3 loyalist incendiaries caused extensive damage to two premises in the town's West Street, a butcher's shop and a fruit shop. The attack came within days of an attack on a Portadown shopping mall by a 200-strong loyalist gang in which two relatives of murdered nationalist Robert Hamill were injured. On September 5, the loyalist Kristalnacht gained momentum when around 500 Orange thugs charged through the town centre screaming abuse at nationalist shoppers and waving posters saying "No Taigs in Portadown." The mob gathered at Church Street around 3PM from where they stormed the car park at the rear of High Street Mall and commenced firing stones, bottles and fireworks at Nationalist owned businesses were also targeted including the Slumbertime shop in William Street, which was gutted in a petrol bomb attack. A member of the British colonial police (RUC) remains critically ill in hospital and has lost the sight in one eye when Crown Forces were attacked that night by loyalists firing blast bombs. Anne McKeown who was on her way into town with her five young grandchildren said she had been warned by other shoppers to turn back because of the loyalist hoard. She heard loyalist screaming and shouting verbal abuse, saying it was "their town" and "Fenians weren't allowed". "We couldn't go any further because the crowd was so hostile and they didn't want us going up the town. I am a householder, and paying rates so why shouldn't I be able to walk the town whenever I like, day or night", she said. Another woman who did not wished to be named said she witnessed RUC officers with dog units mingling with the loyalists. Just minutes later a blast bomb came hurtling in the direction of the RUC. The witness claims she observed the incident from the window of her sister's Craigwell Avenue home. "There had been petrol bombs thrown at first then this thing just came out of the crowd with a blue flame right in the middle of the police", she said. As darkness fell, the violence escalated as members of the Drumcree support group gathered for a parade at the Cocrain Avenue and Charles Street junction near Craigwell Avenue. The RUC turned a blind eye as this group continued their abuse of nationalists have endured a constant stream of intimidation from loyalists in the town. Nationalists have claimed it is orchestrated campaign aimed at cleansing the town of its nationalist inhabitants. LVF graffiti was scrawled on the Slumbertime business and other nationalist owned properties in the town. Slumbertime is situated on the street leading to St Patrick's Hall in the area where Robert Hamill was kicked to death by a loyalist mob in April 1997. An estimated #50,000 to #100,000 damage was caused to the two shops on September 3. While damage to Slumbertime is also said to run into tens of thousands. One nationalist business man has described the attack as "akin to the Mississippi burnings" on properties owned by African Americans in the southern states of America. A Portadown resident told RTE radio (September 9) that these attacks were going on for the last 66 days and it was only the fact of the serious injury to an RUC colonial policeman that resulted in serious media coverage on September 5 WHO BENEFITS FROM THESE DRACONIAN MEASURES? THE list of abuses against Irish citizens in Ireland and Britain from the early 1970s onwards does not augur well for innocent uninvolved people. On November 27, 1974 Roy Jenkins, then British Home Secretary, rushed through the Prevention of Terrorism Bill to an outraged House of Commons. While admitting it contained "draconian measures, unprecedented in peacetime," he added: "These measures involve some infringement of civil liberties, but we will use them as selectively as we can; but I do not pretend that they will not occasionally inconvenience, perhaps more than inconvenience, a few people who may not deserve it." The legislation acted as rocket fuel for British police swoops on the homes of Irish people. Within days some 35 people were hauled into police stations and physically and mentally abused. Among them were Paul Hill, Carol Richardson, Gerry Conlon, Paddy Armstrong, Guiseppe Conlon, Ann Maguire, Paddy McGuire, Paddy Maguire (jnr), Vincent Maguire, Sean Smyth and Pat O'Neill. More anti-Irish swoops were to follow. A recent report on the use of the PTA has revealed that in its 24 years of operation, over 4,000 people (most of them Irish) have been held for durations over one hour and incarcerated for days in British police cells, less than 0.5% were even charged with anything. Hundreds of thousands of Irish people have been harassed by being held for less than an hour at British airports and ferry-ports. It was almost 20 years before any of the above-mentioned people saw the light of day and Guiseppe Conlon died in prison. In October 1975, after the Old Bailey had decided that the Guildford Four should be locked away "forever", Britain's Daily Mail ran a four-page article headed "How we caught the bombers". "Without the PTA we wouldn't have had a hope," Detective Chief Superintendent Wally Simmons of the Surrey Constabulary (who led the investigation), was quoted as saying. After his retirement, Simmons went on a series of lecture tours of American police academies explaining to the raw recruits how he caught the Guildford Four. Indeed without this terror legislation the likes of Wally Simmons would not have had a hope in ignoring international standards of justice and jurisprudence. Cui bono? (Who gains by it?). The British Crown Forces and the Dublin and London dministrations. Even the anti-Republican politician Michael McDowell of the PDs has criticised the latest measures. On RTI's Primetime programme of August 27, McDowell, himself a lawyer, said the proposed legislation went against the fundamental principles of law and justice in both urisdictions. He described the 26-County Act as "thinly disguised internment without trial". LOYALIST ON MURDER CHARGE A BROTHER of loyalist supergrass Clifford McKeown appeared before Belfast Crown Court on August 26 accused of the murder of 18-year-old nationalist Bernadette Martin in Julylast year. Trevor McKeown (37), of Coronation Gardens, Aghalee, Co Armagh pleaded not guilty to the charge of murder and the possession of a 22 Calibre pistol and ammunition with intent to endanger life. Bernadette Martin had been sleeping in the home of her Protestant teenage boyfriend, Gordon Greene and his family, in the predominantly loyalist village of Aghalee near Lurgan, Co Armagh when a loyalist gunman entered the house through an unlocked rear door at approximately 4am and blasted the young Armagh woman in a hail of gunfire on July 15, 1997. Bernadette Martin died that afternoon in Belfast's Royal Victoria Hospital. It is believed the pro-British death squad, the LVF, were responsible for her death. Aghalee was also where the Portadown UVF (now the LVF) killed nationalist part-timetaxi-driver Michael McGoldrick (31) on July 8, 1996. No date was fixed for the trial of Trevor McKeown, but it is expected to take place early in the new year. ADAMS IGNORES BRITISH GOVERNMENT PRESENCE AS CAUSE OF CONFLICT In response to Gerry Adams's Setptember 1 statement that "violence" is over and done with Ruairi O Bradaigh, President, Republican Sinn Fein: Mr Adams ignores the basic cause of the centuries-old conflict in Ireland which is the unjust and undemocratic British government presence here. Until that basic question is faced there cannot be democracy in Ireland. The best guarantee for a democratic settlement and a permanent peace is a British disengagement from Ireland and a new four-province federation with maximum devolution to local level. Republican Sinn Fein will continue to work politically for this despite the attempts of the London and Dublin administrations to smash all opposition to the New Stormont and the cementing of English rule. His statement concluded: "The best guarantee for a democratic settlement and a permanent peace is a British disengagement from Ireland and a new four-province federation with maximum devolution to local level. Republican Sinn Fiin will continue to work politically for this despite the attempts of the London and Dublin administrations to smash all opposition to the New Stormont and the cementing of English rule." According to Chambers 20th Century Dictionary, the word "violence" means excessive, unrestrained or unjustifiable force." Does this mean that Gerry Adams now believes that the acts of war carried out by the Republican Movement over the past 30 years were wrong? The question could also be asked: Why does he use this word and why now? The answer is it was written for him by the authorities in Dublin, London and Washington and he must jump through the required hoops for them. The Provisionals' announcement on September 2 of Martin McGuinness as the Provisional appointee to the decommissioning body for the surrender of arms is another aspect to this capitulation to British rule in Ireland. 'TIMES' REPORT OF CIRA THE 'Irish Times' on September 8 reported that a caller to its newsroom, using a recognised code-word, said that the Continuity IRA had opened-fire "on an RUC Land-Rover on the Moy Road shortly before midnight on Friday" (September 4). The article said: "When asked if the group was considering a ceasefire he said: 'The struggle goes on'. The CIRA caller said there would be further attacks on 'British Crown Forces." The 'Irish Times' said that the RUC denied any knowledge of an attack in the area (the Moy Road stretches for ten miles between Portadown, Co Armagh and Moy, Co Tyrone.) During the summer the RUC also denied knowledge of a claimed CIRA attack on the RUC barracks in Derry city. -end- Please circulate the information in IRIS and credit us if reprinting. We welcome your comments and ideas. Send them to: saoirse@iol.ie ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= nytire-09.10.98-10:40:41-16463