Irish News Fri/Sat 4-5 June 1999 Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit IRISH NEWS ROUND-UP http://irlnet.com/rmlist/ Friday/Saturday, 4/5 June, 1999 1. ONE DEAD IN WAVE OF LOYALIST BOMB TERROR 2. Recruitment attempts in Tyrone 3. Euro constituency profiles 4. Analysis: Why was Diarmuid O'Neill killed? 5. Transcript of Diarmuid O'Neill police surveillance tape 6. Events in Ireland and England 7. USA events -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> ONE DEAD IN WAVE OF LOYALIST BOMB TERROR An overnight spate of anti-Catholic bomb attacks across the North has killed a 59-year-old mother of two. Elizabeth O'Neill, raised a Protestant, was blown up in front of her husband Joseph, a Catholic, when a bomb exploded in their living room early Saturday morning. The bomb had been flung into their house on the Corcrain Road in Portadown after the living room window had been shattered with a brick. Mrs O'Neill is the seventh to die in loyalist violence since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement last year, while scores of Catholics have been driven from their homes in arson attacks. The Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) issued a statement denying responsibility but is widely believed to have been behind the killing. despite its alleged 'ceasefire'. The attack on the O'Neill home was followed minutes later by a similar attack on on another house a short distance away in Westland Drive in Portadown. In that attack, the front window was also broken by a missile but the bomb fell short and exploded in the garden. A woman, a teenage girl and a 10-month-old baby in the house escaped injury. In the worst night of loyalist violence for several weeks, bombs were also thrown at Catholic homes in east Belfast and Hilltown, County Down. In the Hilltown attack, a device exploded shattering the living room window of a house. A man and several children sleeping inside escaped without injury. Deeply shocked, Mr O'Neill was being comforted today by the couple's sons, Martin and Joseph, as their house was boarded up. Local RUC were accused of attempting to play down the killing when they claimed to be uncertain about the motive for the bombing several hours after the attacks. Breandan MacCionnaith of the Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition in Portadown linked the attacks to the ongoing loyalist siege of the nationalist community of the town. Speaking outside "proximity" talks over the Drumcree march standoff , Mr MacCionnaith expressed his "shock and dismay" at the murder. The death of Mrs O'Neill and the other bombings had overshadowed the discussions in what was "very obviously an orchestrated series of attacks", he said. The talks today and yesterday were intended to prevent a major conflagration again this year over attempts by Protestant 'Orangemen' to force a sectarian parade into the nationalist estates of Portadown. Representatives of the Orange Order today refused to comment on this morning's killing or the threatened violence and mayhem in support of their annual Drumcree march next month. Little progress was reported from the talks despite several hours of negotiations under the direction of mediator Frank Blair. Mr MacCionnaith and other Garvaghy residents were again forced to negotiate through a mediator because the Orangemen refuse to speak to them face-to-face. Sinn Fein chief negotiator Martin McGuinness accused the Orange Order and unionist leadership of being culpable in the death of Mrs O'Neill. "The Orange Order has fanned the flames of sectarianism with its refusal to treat nationalists as equals and by the actions and language of its members," he said. It was time for the order to "end its siege" of the Garvaghy Road. And he said the unionist leadership could not escape its share of the blame for such events. Its refusal to implement the Good Friday Agreement had "created a political vacuum in which loyalist rejectionists have flourished." Mr McGuinness added: "We need political progress to isolate the wreckers and that means unionism living up to its commitments." -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Talks stalemate continues After a brief meeting at Stormont on Friday, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams and Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble failed to make progress over the impasse over unionist demands for an IRA weapons handover which has held up peace efforts for over a year. The Sinn Fein president admitted afterwards it was "not a good meeting" while the first minister said there had been "no serious exchange". Earlier this week Mr Trimble said ministers could be named -- but again called for a start to IRA decommissioning before the agreed power-sharing executive could be formed. Mr Adams indicated he believed Mr Trimble appeared to have no intention of moving on the establishment of an executive. "I can only hope that once these elections are over, there will be a regrouping within the Ulster Unionist Party. "Ulster Unionists talk about the need to jump together, but I cannot jump very far with Mr Trimble on my back," Mr Adams said. Mr Adams said that jumping forward together means jumping side-by-side. The difficulties were increased, said Mr Adams, by the unionists closing deals and then moving to undo them. He pointed out that had come back from electioneering in Co Mayo for the 25-minute meeting with Mr Trimble. "We are prepared to make the efforts. And it is my view the unionists should get themselves focused on this and leave aside these old mantras." Sinn Fein Chairperson Mitchel McLaughlin, commenting on Mr Trimble's article on the talks process on Thursday, said the UUP had "all but strangled the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement". He pointed out that loyalist violence had warranted "a single short sentence" in the article which outlined Trimble's "sterile position in regard to the guns that are silent". "Mr. Trimble continues to attempt to rewrite the Good Friday Agreement in his own terms," he stated. "The UUP's agenda clearly remains one of pre-condition, exclusion, prevarication, stalling and the rewriting of the Good Friday Agreement. "The initiative for progress rests primarily with the British government. It is for Tony Blair to ensure that the transfer of powers happens by 30 June." -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Recruitment attempts in Tyrone Strabane Sinn Fein member Colman McCrossan has challenged RUC Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan to come clean on two recent incidents where plainclothed RUC men approached him in an attempt to recruit him as an informer. The first incident took place on Monday, 26 April, at Coleraine Railway Station while McCrossan was returning from University. A casually dressed man who commented that he had read a number of McCrossan's letters in the papers approached the University of Ulster student. The man then identified himself as a local RUC officer and as the Sinn Fein member stood up to leave he called after him saying: "You're a student, you're 'skint, and I can make it worth your while." On arrival in Strabane, McCrossan immediately contacted Sinn Fein and gave a written account of the incident to his solicitor, a local priest and reported to incident to the university faculty but decided not to publicise this incident until he had finished his degree as this would have attracted the attention of loyalist paramilitaries in the area. The second encounter took place on 26 May in the Waterside area of Derry. McCrossan had made a telephone call to arrange to meet a friend the same morning and as he neared his destination the same branch man appeared in front of him. "It is obvious to me that the RUC could only have gleaned prior information about my intended movements on that day from my telephone conversation," said McCrossan. As he walked a short distance to a built up area, the branch man began issuing implicit threats, referring to his home, his partner and to the seven years he had spent in Long Kesh. McCrossan challenged Ronnie Flanagan saying: " There has been a massive upsurge in attempts by the RUC Special Branch and British Intelligence to recruit Sinn Fein activists. I now challenge Ronnie Flanagan to explain why Sinn Fein, a legitimate political party which has fully endorsed the peace process, is being subjected to such treatment while loyalist paramilitaries are being allowed to carry out daily attacks against the nationalist community with virtual impunity." He has also demanded that British Telecom explain how the RUC are able to monitor the private conversations of the public. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Euro constituency profiles CONNACHT-ULSTER Going by the performance of Sinn Fein candidate Sean MacManus on last week's Vincent Browne show, the Sligo Ard Chomhairle member is the dynamic candidate in this election. Fianna Fail's Pat 'the Cope' Gallagher and Mark Killilea will have their work cut out for them to retain the two seats they won here in 1994. It was a strong performance from a party which only won 42.5% of first preferences yet still took two out of three seats. Fine Gael's Joe MacCartin was elected without reaching the quota. He and his party running mate Jim Higgins had 29.7% of the first preferences between them. This time around there are three important factors in this election. The first is the Dana factor. Dana is running in the Connacht Ulster constituency on the back of a strong performance in the 1997 presidential elections. She polled 41,000 first preference votes in Connacht Ulster in 1997. A repeat performance would put her in the running for the last seat this time around. The second factor that will shape the polling intentions in this constituency is the Independent factor. Connacht Ulster was until 1994 capable of spurning the larger Leinster House parties and returning an independent candidate. Neil Blaney, being the person chosen. Blaney's decision not to run in 1994 lifted the Fianna Fail vote in this constituency by nearly 10% of first preferences. Considering the complete failure of Dublin governments since 1994 to even begin to deal with the economic underdevelopment and increasing marginalisation of the West and North West, it is more than possible that the Connnacht Ulster voters could desert one of the sitting MEPs this time around. There are five independents running this time around. The third factor, as is the case with many other constituencies, is where the Progressive Democrat vote will go. Bobby Molloy took 9.1% of the vote here in 1994. Whether these voters bother to turn out this time around will keep tally people focused, as the PDs have decided not to run this time around. Nearly 5,000 of Molloy's first preferences were nontransferable in 1994. However, this did not stop Fianna Fail getting a large transfer. Fine Gael's Joe MacCartin and Jim Higgins also did well. They took nearly 9,000 Molloy votes between them. The Molloy floaters will probably worry Pat the Cope more than any other candidate. He only received 1,715 transfers from Molloy. The other Fianna Fail candidate, Mark Killilea, took 5,330 transfers from Molloy. Killilea is stepping down this time around and Noel Treacy is the second Fianna Fail candidate. Could he garner the PD floaters who turn up to vote? Sinn Fein's performance in Connacht Ulster has consistently improved. In 1989, the party won 5% of the transfers. In 1994, the Sinn Fein vote share rose to 6% of first preferences. In 1997, Sinn Fein won a seat in Cavan Monaghan and the party's vote also increased significantly in the Sligo and Donegal constituencies it contested. It is highly likely that the Sinn Fein poll showing of 6.7% of first preferences in 1984 will be surpassed this time around. It could be a repeat performance of the Vincent Browne show where once again Sean MacManus gets the last word. Final Prediction: One seat for Fianna Fail and Fine Gael with the rest fighting it out for the third seat. LEINSTER Only the Dublin constituency had a lower turnout than Leinster in the 1994 EU elections. Turnout was a meagre 43.1%. This did not stop the election count producing perhaps one of the most unpredictable outcomes of the elections. Three of the four successful candidates were elected without reaching the quota. This was after a recount called by the Labour Party's Michael Bell. Leinster is a four-seater constituency. In 1994, Fianna Fail won just over one third of first preferences. This was, however, enough to win the party half of the seats. Jim Fitzimons and Liam Hyland were elected for FF. Fine Gael's two candidates won 27.7% of the vote but only clocked up one seat. The Green Party's Nuala Ahern took the last seat, even though she had only won 11.8% of first preferences. Labour's Micheal Bell and Seamus Pattison clocked up over 15% of the first preferences but Labour still went away empty handed in 1994. In 1989, Labour had missed out on the last seat by just 125 votes. Michael Bell's problems began with the elimination of running mate Seamus Pattison. Pattison's transfers were well spread. Bell only got just over half of the 18,953 votes that had originally gone to Pattison. The rest of the transfers were spread across the five remaining candidates, leaving Bell stymied by Labour's voting-splitting strategy. He was eliminated on the sixth count. Bell's transfers elected the successful four candidates. The knives will be out for the Greens this time around. Nuala Ahern hasn't managed to achieve the same public profile as her fellow MEP in Dublin has and this could make it more difficult for her to retain the seat. Sinn Fein polled 6,523 votes in Leinster in 1994, 2.5% of the total poll. Sinn Fein's Arthur Morgan is the candidate this time around. Morgan is tipped by all sides to take a council seat in Louth with Sinn Fein expected to capitalise on the gains made throughout the 26 Counties in the 1997 Leinster House election. Meath has been another growth area for the party and increased votes here and in the other council areas the party is running in should increase the party's vote share significantly. Final prediction: Labour are not the force they were in 1994. Michael Bell was decisively beaten for the Labour nomination by Sean Butler at the party's selection convention. Fianna Fail could well hold onto their two seats. Former IFA president Alan Gillis seems likely to hold onto his seat despite the failure of Fine Gael to deal with collapsing farm incomes when in government during the period 1994 to '97. He is under pressuere in the polls, however, from Acril Doyle, whose campaign is gaining momentum. The last seat will be a dogfight. Consenting adults only. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Analysis: Why was Diarmuid O'Neill killed? BY FERN LANE Why was Diarmuid O'Neill killed? Because, so the argument goes, he was an IRA volunteer, this was war and he made himself a legitimate target. This argument, however, is fatally undermined by the British government's perverse insistence that the conflict in Ireland was not war, merely crime. As a consequence, the Metropolitan Police have had to resort to manipulating the law, lying, and covering their tracks. The surveillance tape transcript reveals a straight-forward shoot-to-kill operation, but because of the British refusal to acknowledge the war, the Metropolitan Police have been obliged to continue to claim that 'Kilo' -- the officer who fired the fatal shots -- believed his life to be in danger when he killed Diarmuid. However, the tape manifestly contradicts this claim. The men had clearly surrendered, and Diarmuid was struggling to open a door which had been damaged by the police attempting to batter it down. As can be seen from the transcript, at no time was either his demeanour or his language threatening in any way. It also does not explain why, after Diarmuid had been hit by the initial burst of gunfire, Officer 'Kilo' was ordered by another officer to "shoot the fuckers", an order which he duly obeyed, hitting Diarmuid a total of six times. But even if we were to accept, for argument's sake, the implausible excuse that 'Kilo' feared for his life, there are other serious discrepancies for which no explanation at all has been offered. During the trial of Pat Kelly and Brian McHugh, who were with Diarmuid, the court heard that hundreds of MI5 operatives where involved in a six-week surveillance operation of the men but no attempt had been made to detain them. The intensity of the surveillance leaves little question that if there was enough evidence against them to go in with CS gas and automatic weapons in the early hours of 23 September 1996, there was also sufficient evidence to arrest them for some time prior to that. Added to this is the fact that Diarmuid was an active member of his local community in Hammersmith, London, a member of the Trades Unions Council and other community groups. He was visible. He could very easily have been arrested for questioning at any time over a period of several weeks. He wasn't. The decision was made to use force instead. Officer Kilo's excuse does not explain why, to the anger and dismay of the medical staff who attempted to treat him when he finally arrived at hospital, there was the imprint of a boot on Diarmuid's face. As he lay dying on the floor, a police officer had seen fit to stand on his face. Why? Did Kilo still believe his life was in danger? And why was no ambulance called? Indeed the police prevented members of the public woken by the noise from calling one for some 30 minutes. After the shooting and as can be heard on the tape, Diarmuid was dragged out of the building and the image of his blood smeared down the front steps of his home is eloquent testimony to the way in which he was treated in being taken out onto the street. Again, no explanation has been offered by the police as to why they felt it was necessary to take him out of the room. Certainly, the CS gas -- which was used in such unprecedented quantities that four days later forensics teams entering the building still had to wear masks -- would have made it difficult to treat him where he lay, but these difficulties are insignificant in comparison to the danger of dragging such a seriously injured man down two flights of stairs. Neither, incidentally, did he receive any first aid. Finally, and even more damning of the police in the light of the tape, was their conduct in regard to the press. Bogus 'witnesses' were dredged up for the benefit of the press to promulgate the outrageous lie that there had been a shoot-out and that the house was some kind of ammunition dump. For example, several papers carried the claim from one that "There were police everywhere. They were shouting 'Throw down your weapon' and 'Throw down your gun'." Another claimed that "there was an exchange of fire. "There were about eight shots and I heard a policeman saying 'I have got the gun, I have the gun, the son of a bitch'." The Guardian had someone saying "We heard them shouting from the ground; 'Drop your gun, you've got no chance'." The headline in the Daily Mirror which accompanied the picture of the bloody steps was "Don't cry for him. He was going to blow up the Channel Tunnel tomorrow". The Metropolitan Police enthusiastically supported these claims for some three days before they were forced to admit, via a one-paragraph report buried in the inside pages of The Times that there were no guns, no explosives in the house and "no evidence of any intended target". The Metropolitan Police and the Britidh government may assume that the great get-out clause so useful to policemen who indulge in shoot-to-kill or the murder of civilians -- "I thought my life was in danger" -- comprehensively answers their accusers, but they are wrong. Too many other issues have been raised by the tape and the prior and subsequent conduct of the police. Neither campaigners for Diarmuid nor his family accept the paucity of the explanation provided by Officer 'Kilo' and will continue to insist, for as long as it takes, that an independent inquiry is the only way obtain answers to these questions. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Transcript of Diarmuid O'Neill police surveillance tape Tape begins with the sound of breaking glass as CS gas canister is fired through the window. All: Jesus Christ! Sound of police attempting to batter down the door and shouting All: All right, all right! We give up, we're unarmed, we give up. All right. Whoa, whoa whoa whoa. We're unarmed. Whoa, whoa, whoa. Police: I'm a police officer, get on the floor. Diarmuid: Whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa. Police: Open the fucking door now! Diarmuid: OK, we're down. All: We're down, we're down. Police: Open that door! Diarmuid: OK Police: (shouting over Diarmuid's answer): Get to that fucking door now and show us your hands! Diarmuid: OK Police: Show me your hands now! Diarmuid: They're up, they're up. Police: Get out here. All: We're on the deck. Police: Show me your hands through the door! Show me your hands through the door! Diarmuid: OK Police (again): Show me your hands through the door! Diarmuid: OK. Police: Open it, open the door. Diarmuid: I can't, it won't ... Police: Open it! Show us your hands! Shouting by police followed by short burst of automatic gunfire. Police: Shoot the fuckers! Diarmuid: Fucking hell! Another burst of automatic gunfire, longer than the first. All: Whoa, whoa. Sound of choking. Police (entering the room): Just stay where the fuck you are. Just stay on the floor. Stay on the floor .... one in the bathroom and one on the floor. Just keep your hands where we can see them OK and don't fucking move! Several minutes of police arresting the others and searching the room. Diarmuid can be heard groaning. Police: We're going to have to take him out because (obscured by shouting). Take him out. Give him first aid, that's it. Police: Right listen up. We want to take him outside to the pavement now! Police: Yes, he's going. (Shouting) Police: Everyone all right? (Shouting) Police: We're ready to take the suspects out. They can't come in because of the gas. Police: All right, just hold on for a second, hold on for a second. (Shouting) Police: Shift him! ... Pick his knees up.... Move him out now! Police: Hold it, hold it! (Shouting) Police: Right, bring him out now. Come on! [TRANSCRIPT ENDS] -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> Events in Ireland and England TABLE QUIZ: Friday 4 June, The Haggard Bar, RAVENSDALE HOUSE, County Louth. Quiz teams wanted, #20 per table (max six people). Organised by the Edentubber Commemoration Committee. Tel (01693) 839470 for further details SF BALLAD SESSION: Featuring Justice. 8pm Saturday 5 June, Widow Scallan's. Pearse Street, DUBLIN. Taille #3. Organised by Southeast Inner City SF MARCH AND RALLY: Annual James Connolly March and Rally. Assemble 1pm Saturday 5 June, King's Stable's Road, EDINBURGH, Scotland. Various speakers, including Sinn Fein. Further details from JCS, PO BOX 1060, Edinburgh EH17 7YD or e-mail jcsoc@hotmail.com REPUBLICAN FUNCTION: Featuring Eire Og. Friday 11 June, Irish National Foresters Club, LURGAN, County Armagh. Tickets only FUNCTION: Featuring Eire Og. 8pm Sunday 12 June, Wolly Tom's Marque, ARMAGH. Taille #6 RALLY: Friends of the Garvaghy Road Lift the Siege Now! Rally: Garvaghy Road, PORTADOWN 2pm, Sunday, 13 June ELECTION DANCE: Featuring Eire Og. 10pm Sunday 13 June, Applejack's Night Club, Hillgrove Hotel, MONAGHAN. Taille #5 TRADITIONAL MUSIC MARATHON: Fleadh Amhran agus Rince. Saturday 19 June, BALLYCASTLE, County Antrim. Any group wishing to participate or receive further details may contact Donncha at (012656) 57096 FESTIVAL: Gay Scotland Pride weekend. Assemble 11.30am Saturday 19 June, East London Street, EDINBURGH, Scotland. Followed by evening in one of Scotland's Celtic/Irish bars (to be confirmed). All welcome IRISH NIGHT: Friday 25 June, Caesar's Night Club, RAVENSDALE, County Louth. Music by Justice BODENSTOWN BUS: From Cork City. Contact Mick Nugent at SF office, 136 Barrack Street. Taille #10 ELECTION CAMPAIGN: Anyone interested in getting involved in the election campaigns of Don O'Leary (Northwest), Jonathan O'Brien (North Central); Henry Cremin (Southwest) and Kevin Power (Southeast) Tom Hanlon (Passage Town Commission and County Council, South Borough) can contact Mick Nugent (Northeast) or Paul Walsh (Southside) at the SF office, Barrack Street, tel 311 389. Donations can be sent to same address, made payable to Michael Nugent/Don Bullman THE WOLFE TONE SOCIETY are holding a series of educationals on Sinn Fein and the implementation of the peace process in London over the next few months. If you want to become involved please contact us. Write to: Wolfe Tone Society BM Box 6191, London WC1N 3XX or telephone 0181-442 8778 or E-mail us on wts@brosna.co.uk -------------------------------------------------------------------------- >>>>>> USA events Sunday, June 6th Toronto: A fundraiser for the Canadian observer delegation to monitor marches by the Orange Order. Featuring Trish O'Reilly (singer) and Anne Marie Schaefler (comedian). Sunday June 6th at 2 pm. Dora Keogh's Irish Pub, 141 Danforth Avenue, Toronto (Broadview & Danforth). Tickets: $10 For information and tickets: Information on Ireland Campaign (416) 591 1751. Rockville Center, NY: INA Martin 3Doco2 Doherty Unit is having a 3Doco2 Birthday celebration at 4:00pm at Lily Flanagan's, 279 Sunrise Hwy in Rockville Center. Music by Kevin Smith and Friends. Buffet, raffle and guest speaker. $10 donation. For information call (516) 536-6258. Tuesday, June 8th Silver Spring, MD: Area Irish Northern Aid Committee Unit organizing meeting in Silver Spring, Maryland. If you can help, call Randy at (301) 325-5560 or rcecil@erols.com ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= nytire-06.06.99-03:48:51-26162