US Philippines Bases: Protests Threaten Agreement Via NY Transfer News Collective * All the News that Doesn't Fit source - jclancy@pop.pegasus.com.au Sun May 16 23:04:28 1999 The following article was published in "The Guardian", newspaper of the Communist Party of Australia in its issue of Wednesday, May 5th, 1999. Philippines Protests threaten military agreement Mass protests in the Philippines against a proposed new Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) are continuing in the Philippines as the Senate is about to vote on it. Acceptance of the VFA would open the entire country to the stationing of US forces, with no limitation on troop strength, mobilisation or duration of stay. Defeat of the VFA would be a significant and highly important victory. Under the Constitution the VFA, as a treaty, requires the approval of two-thirds of the Senate, which many commentators believe is unlikely. The agreement allows for the entry of nuclear weapons into the country, which the Philippine Constitution expressly forbids. It also contains no restraints on the nature of US military activity and no bar as to the activities of US troops launching interventions from Philippine soil. It would also allow the off-shore anchoring of ships loaded with weapons and equipment for rapid deployment purposes in Asia. The largest section of the VFA deals with details stipulating that US personnel are protected from prosecution under Philippine laws. Clearly the long experience of the people of the Philippines with US military occupation, aggression and bases in their country aroused strong nationalist feelings and broad opposition to another huge and ongoing US military presence. Protest actions, organised mainly by the Junk VFA Movement, have been going on and gathering momentum for many months. Last September 16, around 10,000 protesters marched in the rain to mark the anniversary of the September 16, 1991 Senate vote to close all the US bases and end decades of US military sway. The march started on September 15 from Baguio City, Central Luzon, Bicol and the Southern Tagalog region. In the evening a vigil was held in front of the US Embassy by contingents who had arrived in Manila. On September 16 many thousands more took action in their own localities in Kabankalan City, Bacolod City, Davao City and many other centres. Affiliates of the Junk VFA Movement held protest actions in the US outside Philippine embassies and consulates in Los Angeles and San Francisco as well as in the Netherlands and Hong Kong. The variety of protests reflects the broad array of people opposing the VFA. Aside from pickets and rallies there was a mardi gras march from the Makati business district to the US Embassy where a protest concert was held. There were also multimedia presentations and torch marches. Peasants, workers, church members, women's groups, students, artists and the gay community were all represented. VFA mark 2 Aware of the groundswell of opposition to the VFA, Filipino and US officials concocted an agreement to try and sweeten the bitter provisions of the agreement. Put forward as the government's answer to the VFA's one-sidedness, the new model supposedly grants similar privileges to the VFA to Filipino troops visiting the USA. Junk VFA rejected this approach, which it pointed out was an attempt to woo the public while avoiding the core: "We have no use for it and it cannot correct the faulty provisions and premises of the VFA." The VFA-2, Junk VFA noted, is an attempt to make it more palatable and evade discussions on national sovereignty. The Estrada Government depicted the agreement as no more than a legal guideline defining the treatment of "visiting" US personnel that could do no real harm to the country. However, historical circumstances as well as the geopolitical context that gave birth to the VFA show that the agreement is meant to serve US purposes other than just the resumption of joint military exercises. America's "security" strategy in the Asia-Pacific constitutes the maintenance of forward-deployed and maritime forces continuously afloat and in readiness for use against Korea or China (Taiwan in particular) or in Indonesia. Such strategy is anchored on the US's self-appointed role as global police, where the term "regional stability" actually means guarding US interests and hegemony. The Asia-Pacific is now America's top export market, accounting for more than half of total US exports, and is the major destination of US investments. The US regional security structure crucially depends on a number of bilateral agreements, ranging from access arrangements, informal agreements for vessel repairs, ship visits, commercial arrangements and formal access to conduct military training and exercises. Located strategically on one of the most important sea routes, forging an access arrangement with the Philippines is therefore an urgent necessity for the US. The VFA would allow the US to use the Philippines as a springboard to carry out espionage and for attacks against perceived enemies (such as North Korea) and would eventually see the return of permanent US military facilities in the country. Colonial mindset The Estrada administration, like the governments that preceded it, has no genuinely independent national economic program. Historically the IMF-WB-WTO triumvirate has dictated local policies and programs. Similarly, defence, security and foreign policy have been largely dependent on the US. It is this almost total domination of the Philippine economy that gives the US such "persuasive" powers. The Philippines are a model example of US post-WW2 policy. Under the "development" model foist upon the Philippines and other third world countries following the war, foreign investors were encouraged to supply the capital which was to have prime- pumped their economies. But the foreign corporations moved in on their own terms. They avoided taxes, exploited non-union labour in the most appalling conditions and hindered the healthy development of the economy. The outcome was greater dependency and little in the way of development. They soon became net exporters of capital as profits were transferred to parent companies. With their ability to transfer operations cheaply and quickly from one country to another, the corporations hold the Philippine economy hostage. Consequently, when the US assesses the Asian regional security status, based on its own interests, and concludes that a stronger US military presence is needed, Philippine officials, being the lackeys they are, follow the same line without question. It is because of this that the Philippines has earned the reputation as US spokesman in Asia. This colonial thinking is behind the Philippine Government raising threats of external attacks and regional instability as a consequence of the VFA's non-ratification. But a more rational and sound analysis reveals that there is no immediate threat to the country. In contrast there is the US which provokes such aggressive and violent behaviour from other countries through its belligerent and threatening military policy. Poverty With the majority of Filipinos living below poverty levels government proposals to modernise the Philippine Armed Forces will work against the people and will be directed to quell popular resistance to government projects and programs. Furthermore, military equipment and vessels handed down by the US are not cost free. Last year the government paid US$50 million for service and parts to prolong the life of a few F5A1B fighter aircraft. Military agreements and ties with the other countries facilitate the sale of US arms. With the number of military agreements the US has with other nations, there is little wonder that it remains the top exporter of weapons, accounting for almost half the total global sales. US pressure to push through the VFA was intense. Its effect is seen in the case of President Estrada, who as a Senator in 1991 voted against the bases. He hinted opposing the VFA during his campaign for the presidency, but now supports it and is leaning on Senators to do likewise. The guardian 65 Campbell Street, Surry Hills. Sydney. 2010 Australia. Phone: (612) 9212 6855 Fax: (612) 9281 5795. Email: Subscription rates on request. Webpage: http://www.peg.apc.org/~guardian ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= nytpac-05.17.99-00:52:29-29239