NotiSur, 08/03/01 Via NY Transfer News * All the News That Doesn't Fit [Redistribution is not permitted under our subscription with LADB. This is a private copy for your use only.] ------------------------------------------------------------ L A T I N A M E R I C A D A T A B A S E NotiSur - South American Political & Economic Affairs ISSN 1060-4189 Volume 11, Number 29 August 3, 2001 ------------------------------------------------------------ Copyright 2001, Latin America Data Base (LADB), Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico Director: Rebecca Reynolds Bannister Editor: Patricia Hynds Staff writers: Carlos Navarro, Robert Sandels LADB ARCHIVES: Back issues are referenced to provide historical background relevant to the articles in this newsletter. These can be accessed with a subscription to the LADB searchable on-line archives at http://ladb.unm.edu/ by clicking on Search Archive. For subscription information, e-mail info@ladb.unm.edu or call 1-800-472-0888. In This Issue: PERU: ALEJANDRO TOLEDO SWORN IN AS PRESIDENT * First Indian president acknowledges his roots * Toledo presents his Cabinet * Paniagua leaves office more popular than when he arrived BOLIVIA: PRESIDENT HUGO BANZER WILL STEP DOWN AUGUST 6 BECAUSE OF HEALTH PROBLEMS * Banzer decides to step down * Quiroga's party not unified in its support * Social unrest continues COLOMBIA: COURT SUSPENDS AERIAL-FUMIGATION PROGRAM * Causes of the recent backlash * "Fumigation is key" * The controversy around chemical herbicides * Alternatives to aerial spraying * Debate on fumigation continues in US Congress ____________________________________________________________ ********************* PERU ********************* PERU: ALEJANDRO TOLEDO SWORN IN AS PRESIDENT Alejandro Toledo took the oath of office before the nation's Congress and visiting dignitaries on July 28, becoming Peru's 66th president. Toledo took over the presidency from the widely respected interim President Valentin Paniagua, who was sworn in last November after former President Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) left office amid a corruption scandal (see NotiSur, 2000-12-08). Toledo defeated former President Alan Garcia (1985-1990) of the Accion Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) in a tight runoff election in June (see NotiSur, 2001-06-15). Toledo, who has vowed to make the needs of Peru's poor a priority, began his inauguration day serving breakfast to children in a Lima shantytown. "Today, a few hours before being sworn in, I wanted to come and spend time with the poor," he said. Toledo, a US-educated former World Bank consultant who has never held elected office, has pledged to bring growth to the stalled US$54 billion economy, raise public-sector salaries, and cut taxes. He has pledged to respect the democratic process as he works to balance the budget and create jobs during his five-year term. Analysts say if he does not produce results quickly he will face strikes and protests. And, he will have to carry out his program with a divided Congress, where the major opposition force is Garcia's APRA. During his inaugural address, Toledo proposed to the regional leaders present that they halt acquisitions of offensive weapons and redirect the money to combat poverty. "I would like to take advantage of having all the South American presidents together to propose an immediate freeze on the purchase of offensive weapons in the region," Toledo said, prompting a standing ovation. "In the name of the future generations, I suggest today that we stop spending on arms and invest more in education to win the battle against poverty." The remarks received only polite applause from Chilean President Ricardo Lagos, whose government is set to spend US$714 million on a fleet of US-made fighter planes. First Indian president acknowledges his roots During his campaign, Toledo was often referred to, and referred to himself, as El Cholo, using the Peruvian term for anyone of Indian ancestry. Peru's first democratically elected president of Indian descent, Toledo participated, the day after his inauguration, in a blessing ceremony at the ancient Inca ruins at Machu Pichu, 1250 km southeast of Lima. In the ceremony, an Indian shaman gave thanks to Pachamama (Mother Earth) and called on the Inca gods to help Toledo battle poverty and corruption. "Here on these hills, I promise to do everything possible to balance the objectives of globalization, competitiveness, and modernity, but without destroying the national identity," said Toledo. Some indigenous Peruvians are skeptical of Toledo's emphasis on his roots. Toledo "represents the mentality and the interests of transnational corporations, world banks, and foreign investors," said Isaac Humala, president of the Lima- based Institute of Ethno-Geopolitical Studies. "He is a deculturized Indian and, although we should suppose he has sensitivity toward his ancestors, we do not think he can truly understand the roots of 'Indian-ness' because he is a liberal economist gringo with an indigenous face," said writer Freddy Rocallo. Toledo presents his Cabinet Just days before he took office, Toledo presented his Cabinet. They include: * President of the Council of Ministers: Robert Danino. * Foreign Relations: Diego Garcia Sayan. * Economy and Finance: Pedro Pablo Kuczynski. * Defense: David Waisman. * Interior: Fernando Rospigliosi. * Education: Nicolas Lynch. * Justice: Fernando Olivera. * Industry, Tourism, Integration and International Trade Negotiations: Raul Diez Canseco. * Energy and Mines: Jaime Quijandria. * Presidency: Carlos Bruce. * Agriculture: Alvaro Quijandria. * Health: Luis Solari. * Labor and Social Promotion: Fernando Villaran. * Transport, Communication, Housing, and Construction: Luis Chang. * Fisheries: Javier Reategui. * Advancement of Women and Human Development: Doris Sanchez. Breaking with tradition, Toledo named civilians to head the Ministries of Defense and Interior. Some questioned his appointment of Danino, who has lived in the US for the past 12 years, saying that his long absence from the country would make it difficult to understand the problems facing Peru. "It is a multifaceted Cabinet," said Deputy Javier Diez Canseco from the Union por el Peru (UPP), referring to the mix that includes people who fought against corruption during the Fujimori years, politicians from the traditional parties as well as from newer political groups, technical people, and people from the Peruvian left. But political analyst and director of the polling firm IMASEN Giovanna Penaflor said that beyond those named to the Cabinet, there is "that persistent doubt about whether Toledo's campaign promises will be kept." In presenting his Cabinet, Toledo said his "central focus" for the next five years would be "an all-out war against poverty, particularly extreme poverty. He said to carry that out, his administration would "have to manage the economy with responsibility, find resources, and invest more of them in Peru's poor." Paniagua leaves office more popular than when he arrived Toledo follows Paniagua, who became interim president when Fujimori sought refuge in Japan. Paniagua, who had just been elected president of Congress, reluctantly took on the task of picking up the pieces following Fujimori's departure. He turned the interim administration into one that was widely respected as honest, dedicated, and efficient--something not seen in Peru in recent memory. Paniagua left office with an 80% approval rating, a level of support that few elected Latin American presidents have maintained. Many Peruvians wished he had been a candidate in June's presidential election. Paniagua was first elected to Congress at age 26. In 1965, he was named justice minister. After leaving political life for several years, he was elected to Congress again in 1980 and served as education minister in 1984. He ran for Congress again in 2000, winning by a narrow margin. When Paniagua became interim president on Nov. 22, 2000, his task was to carry out fair elections, investigate and bring to justice the most corrupt officials of Fujimori's government, and tackle the sagging economy. Regarding elections, both the first round and the runoff were considered exemplary, especially when compared with the 2000 elections, which Fujimori won in a process widely considered fraudulent. In tackling corruption, not only Vladimiro Montesinos, Fujimori's national security advisor and the key player in the corruption scandal that brought down the government, but more than 50 others associated with him are behind bars. Montesinos has been accused of stealing as much as US$1 billion and faces numerous charges in Peruvian courts. Paniagua was less successful in turning around the economy. The most optimistic predictions for 2001 put economic growth at less than 1%. For the past three months, Peru has also been in a period of deflation, with consumer prices dropping because of shrinking demand. Paniagua says that he regrets not being able to do more to stimulate economic growth, but he is generally pleased with his accomplishments. "I am content with having fulfilled my duty, with not letting down my colleagues in Congress who elected me president, and with occupying the presidency in a dignified way," he said. On July 26, in a short speech to thank his Cabinet, Paniagua said that the day he became president, he felt very alone. But, he said, 24 hours later, he had a governing team that assumed the responsibility for beginning to democratize the country. He particularly thanked Javier Perez de Cuellar, the president of his Cabinet and foreign minister, who "patriotically left what he was doing to collaborate in rescuing democracy and reinstitutionalizing the country." [Sources: Inter Press Service, 07/18/01; Notimex, Spanish news service EFE, 07/26/01; The Miami Herald, 07/26/01, 07/28/01; CNN, 07/28/01; Reuters, 07/26/01, 07/28-30/01; La Opinion (Los Angeles), 07/26/01, 07/30/01; Associated Press, 07/28/01, 07/30/01] ********************* BOLIVIA ********************* BOLIVIA: PRESIDENT HUGO BANZER WILL STEP DOWN AUGUST 6 BECAUSE OF HEALTH PROBLEMS The Bolivian government announced that President Hugo Banzer would step down on Aug. 6, exactly one year before the end of his term. Vice President Jorge Quiroga Ramirez will take over for the ailing Banzer. Quiroga will have to tackle serious social and economic problems during an election year. The 75-year-old Banzer has been in Washington, DC, since June 30 for treatment at Walter Reed Army Medical Center. He was diagnosed with cancer. "Doctors have confirmed President Banzer has cancer in his left lung and liver," Information Minister Manfredo Kempff said in a video linkup broadcast from Washington on July 7. Banzer was among the many Latin American dictators who received training at the US Army's School of the Americas in Panama in the 1960s. He headed a de facto military government from 1971 to 1978. After running in six consecutive elections in the 1980s and 1990s, Banzer finally won the presidency in 1997 for a five-year term to end Aug. 6, 2002. Supporters say he strengthened Bolivian democracy. In addition, Banzer, under pressure from the US, promised to eradicate illicit coca plantations. The government says that just 2,000 hectares of coca remain in the Chapare, the country's main coca-producing region, of the 37,000 ha of coca in the area in 1997. The campesinos who grow coca charge, however, that the Banzer government has failed to provide effective alternatives for their economic survival. They also say that Banzer has abused human rights, failed to get rid of corruption, and neglected the needs of the impoverished, indigenous majority. An estimated 60% of Bolivia's 8 million people live in poverty, which has increased under Banzer's tenure, and the gap between rich and poor has widened. The UN Development Program (UNDP) says Bolivia's per capita GDP was less than US$1,000 in 2000. German-based Transparency International (TI) gives Bolivia the worst score on the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) in Latin America and among the worst in the world. Banzer decides to step down Quiroga, who has been acting president since Banzer left, went to Washington to meet with the president on July 14. In a short press conference, both Banzer and Quiroga said the president would return to Bolivia and resume his duties. After further discussions with advisors and members of his Cabinet, however, Banzer decided to step down. On July 27, Kempff said Banzer would interrupt his treatment to fly to Sucre on Aug. 6, Bolivia's Independence Day, where he would turn the presidency over to Quiroga before returning to Washington. "The president will resign of his own volition, without pressures of any kind," Kempff said, referring to calls from business leaders that Banzer step down because his absence was creating a power vacuum and was harmful to the country's political and economic situation. Quiroga's party not unified in its support In Bolivia, analysts speculated on the effects Quiroga's assumption of the presidency would have on the country, especially within the governing Accion Democratica Nacionalista (ADN). Many analysts contend that Quiroga does not have the support of Banzer, his family, which has blocked Quiroga from entering the presidential palace, or his closest advisors-- Kempff, Minister of Government Guillermo Fortun, and Minister of the Presidency Marcelo Perez Monasterios. Perez said that the governing coalition--the ADN, the Movimiento de la Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR), and the Unidad Civica Solidaridad (UCS)--will remain united until Aug. 6, 2002, when whoever is elected next year takes office. Fortun is said to be the Quiroga's strongest opponent within the ADN, which is split between the old guard (called the dinosaurs) and the younger members of the party (known as the pitufos) who support Quiroga. One of his first tasks may be to prevent the old guard from undermining his presidency. The 41-year-old Quiroga, a US-educated industrial engineer, had planned to run for president in 2007, his first opportunity since Bolivian law prevents the president and vice president from holding office in successive terms. As Banzer's popular support has suffered from his war against coca growers, repression of social protests, and continued corruption in the administration, Quiroga has been seen by many as one of the more competent, relatively honest politicians in Bolivia. Others say he is just another politician who offers more of the same. The Central Obrera Boliviana (COB) has no expectation that Quiroga will make significant changes in Banzer's economic policies, which the COB blames for the economic crisis and the poverty of Bolivians. Bolivia began applying neoliberal economic policies in 1985, and in the last two years, protests against the policies have escalated, led by campesinos and the COB. The unions "fear that the government of Quiroga will be even harsher in applying the neoliberal model because he was formed in the US," said COB executive secretary Jorge Escalante. "With Banzer or with Quiroga, the government will remain inflexible, which leaves us with no alternative but to continue organizing workers and campesinos to fight the model that has made us poorer." Social unrest continues While the administration has been involved in dealing with Banzer's illness, on June 21 campesinos from around the country set up roadblocks to protest the eradication of coca fields in the Yungas region and what it said was the government's failure to live up to prior commitments. The Yungas is the only area where campesinos are legally allowed to grow coca for traditional uses. The latest round of protests have resulted in three deaths, dozens of injuries, 100 arrests, and sizeable monetary losses for the tourism industry. On July 19, the government agreed to a 10-day truce proposed by the Confederacion Sindical de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB). In the agreement, the CSUTCB said it would lift the roadblocks, and the government said it would withdraw the military and police from the area, release 97 people who were detained during the demonstrations, and resume meetings with the campesinos. Signing the accord for the government were Perez, Fortun, and Defense Minister Gen. Oscar Vargas. CSUTCB leader Felipe Quispe signed the agreement for the campesinos. On July 23, Quiroga said that the government was willing to work out plans for development in the highlands, but he warned that negotiations between the government and the campesinos would not be allowed to "tear apart the country." [Source: Notimex, 07/09/01, 07/18/01, 07/20/01; El Nuveo Herald (Miami), 07/14/01, 07/18/01, 07/26/01; CNN, Inter Press Service, 07/27/01; Spanish news service EFE, 07/05/01, 07/09/01, 07/23/01, 07/27/01, 07/30/01; Associated Press, 07/06/01, 07/08/01, 07/20/01, 07/21/01, 07/27/01, 07/30/01; La Opinion (Los Angeles), 07/12/01, 07/30/01] DEPARTMENT ********************* COLOMBIA ********************* COLOMBIA: COURT SUSPENDS AERIAL-FUMIGATION PROGRAM By Matthew Flynn [The author writes for the International Weekly Edition of the Gazeta Mercantil, a Sao Paulo-based financial newspaper.] In what could be a major setback to the US-backed Plan Colombia, a district court in Colombia on July 27 ordered an immediate halt to the aerial fumigation of illicit crops. Judge Giberto Reyes Delgado, upholding a motion filed on behalf of indigenous groups, ordered the program to stop until its environmental and health impacts have been assessed. President Andres Pastrana said his legal team is reviewing the decision but did not say whether he would stop the controversial campaign. "We have to start from a base: with drug traffickers, there is no negotiation," said Pastrana. "It is not the campesinos who control the industrial crops, it is the drug traffickers." Gen. Gustavo Socha Salamanca, head of Colombia's Policia Antinarcoticos, said, however, that aerial spraying would continue "because the [court] decision only applies to indigenous lands in the Amazon region." The ruling by Bogota Judge Gilberto Reyes Delgado comes after increasing protests by indigenous and campesino groups as well as Colombian officials and UN observers. Poor farmers, claiming that the aerial spraying has destroyed their subsistence crops and poisoned their environment, have threatened to block the Pan-American Highway until the government stops aerial fumigation and respects previous accords to allow manual eradication of coca and poppy fields. "Although the philosophy of manual eradication is shared by the Colombian government, in reality many campesinos and indigenous--who are treated like criminals--are still seeing their crops sprayed," said Klaus Nyholm, a representative of the UN Drug Control Program (UNDCP). Nyholm called for international and neutral supervision of the program. Causes of the recent backlash While the Colombian government has been spraying illicit crops for the past several years, the recent backlash began last month when the government began fumigating in the departments of Cauca and Narino. On July 14, the Policia Antinarcoticos began to spray 40,000 ha of coca and poppy fields in the two departments with glyphosate--the active ingredient in the well-known herbicide Roundup produced by US biotech giant Monsanto. Affected indigenous and campesino groups say the aerial fumigation is destroying their crops, making people sick, and poisoning their water. Moreover, previous agreements to manually eradicate illicit crops are not being respected. In a letter to President Pastrana, the mayors of 19 municipalities said that "the actions taken toward eradication...not only contradict the conciliatory policies promulgated by the government but are also drastically affecting the campesino and indigenous communities in the departments." Colombia's human rights ombud Eduardo Cifuentes sent a letter to the country's attorney general saying that "the action by the state can be seen as a violation of a [campesino's] right to subsistence, which translates into grave harm to the physical integrity and dignity of the families and their members." Reports from several areas of the country where fumigation has been carried out illustrate how the destruction of both illicit and subsistence crops has led to increased unemployment, hunger, and displacement. Campesinos often plant coca and poppy plants alongside banana, potato, and other subsistence crops. "Fumigation is key" The court suspension of aerial fumigation could hamper Plan Colombia. The US has already committed US$1.3 billion in mostly military aid, which includes the cost of fumigation, and additional funds are being debated in the US Congress. "Fumigation is a key part of our policy under Plan Colombia," said Anne Patterson, US ambassador to Colombia. The Colombian military reports that in the first six months of this year 51,909 ha of illicit crops were destroyed. "The fumigation of 50,000 ha of coca means that drug traffickers will not gain US$7 billion," said Bernardo Ortiz, vice minister of defense. Colombia law-enforcement officials downplayed the harmful effects of fumigating with glyphosate, and both US and Colombian officials say aerial spraying is only carried out on large-scale farms, not small campesino plots. "Aerial spraying is carried out based on satellite photos and maps so that campesinos' subsistence crops are not affected," said Gabriel Merchan Benavides, head of the Direccion Nacional de Estupefacientes (DNE). The controversy around chemical herbicides Glyphosate is one of the world's most commonly used chemical herbicides and is biodegradable when it enters the soil. The US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) classifies the broad spectrum, nonselective herbicide as "Category E" toxicity--not dangerous to human health. Nonetheless, campesinos report nausea, headaches, and stomach problems after fumigation planes pass over. Adding to the problem are the additives mixed with Roundup. To protect against fumigation, many growers cover their illicit crops with molasses. That has led US and Colombian authorities to add COSMO FLUX-411F and COSMO-IN-D. Although classified by the Colombian Health Ministry as having "low toxicity," the two additives increase the potency of Roundup fourfold. There are no conclusive studies on the environmental and health impact of the concoction. In the delicate biosphere of the Amazon, the effects could be disastrous. Fumigating is done at the headwaters of the Amazon River, and aerial spraying can produce drifts of several hundred meters. The Ecuadoran government recently made an official request to Colombian officials not to spray within ten km of its border because of the possible harmful effects. Flying at lower altitudes to more precisely hit targets is increasingly risky since many coca and poppy fields lie in areas controlled by guerrillas or right-wing paramilitaries who fire at the small aircraft. Alternatives to aerial spraying Many government officials and campesino leaders believe that voluntary manual eradication of illicit crops combined with alternative-development projects will reduce coca and poppy production without destroying campesinos' livelihood. "We are asking the international community to provide us with resources to help campesinos," said Pastrana. "We are working on this, not only with [government] organizations, but also with resources from Plan Colombia." But critics point out that the majority of Plan Colombia funds are earmarked for military interdiction and eradication efforts and not for alternative-development programs. "The lack of these programs is evidence of the permanent and repeated failure on the part of the state to comply with accords made after popular protests and marches," said Cifuentes. Othes believe that some alternative-development programs are also bound to fail. Providing monetary assistance to campesinos to destroy their illicit crops, said Martin von Hildebrend, an anthropologist who works with indigenous groups in the Amazon region, only encourages them to plant more coca and poppy plants to receive more cash in the future. Despite the massive efforts to destroy crops, a recent UN survey indicates that coca production in Colombia is greater than previously suspected. The UN believes that the world's largest cocaine producer is capable of exporting more than 800 tons of the drug compared with previous US estimates of 580 tons. "It's quite possible we've underestimated the coca in Colombia," Patterson said. "Everywhere we look there is more coca than we expected." Debate on fumigation continues in US Congress On July 27, the US Senate Appropriations Committee banned the use of any Plan Colombia funds for chemicals for fumigation until the State Department has certified that they do not pose "an undue risk to human health or safety." The measure is part of the Andean Regional Initiative through which the administration of President George W. Bush is asking for an additional US$676 million for counternarcotics efforts in South America. Currently, ten fumigation planes are operating in Colombia--up from four before Plan Colombia. And the number is slated to double in the next year or so. ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= pvtsa-08.05.01-21:34:19-6562