NotiSur - 03/01/02 - Colombia, Paraguay, Ecuador Via NY Transfer News * All the News That Doesn't Fit [Reminder: This is a private reading copy for your personal use only. It may not be redistributed under the terms of our subscription with LADB. Thanks -- NY Transfer] ------------------------------------------------------------ L A T I N A M E R I C A D A T A B A S E NotiSur - South American Political & Economic Affairs ISSN 1060-4189 Volume 12, Number 8 March 1, 2002 ------------------------------------------------------------ Copyright 2002, Latin America Data Base (LADB), Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico Director: Rebecca Reynolds Bannister Editor: Patricia Hynds Staff writers: Carlos Navarro, Robert Sandels LADB ARCHIVES: Back issues are referenced to provide historical background relevant to the articles in this newsletter. These can be accessed with a subscription to the LADB searchable on-line archives at http://ladb.unm.edu/ by clicking on Search Archive. 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In This Issue: COLOMBIA: PRESIDENT ANDRES PASTRANA BREAKS OFF PEACE PROCESS & ORDERS MILITARY ATTACK AGAINST REBELS * Plane hijacked, presidential candidate kidnapped * Diplomats, church call for resumption of talks * Presidential candidate kidnapped * Blame on all sides * US sends mixed signals PARAGUAY: FORMER PRESIDENT RAUL CUBAS GRAU RETURNS * Cubas' return causes exacerbates political tensions * Different versions of Cubas' testimony ECUADOR: MILITARY HIGH COMMAND FORCED OUT IN SCANDAL * President replaces military commanders ____________________________________________________________ ********************* COLOMBIA ********************* COLOMBIA: PRESIDENT ANDRES PASTRANA BREAKS OFF PEACE PROCESS & ORDERS MILITARY ATTACK AGAINST REBELS Colombia's shaky peace process came to an abrupt end Feb. 20 when President Andres Pastrana announced in a nationally televised address from the presidential palace in Bogota that he was ending peace talks and ordering troops into the rebel-controlled area where talks have been taking place. The breaking point came when the guerrilla organization Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) hijacked an airliner and took a senator hostage. Saying actions by the FARC made any further attempt to work out a peace deal futile, Pastrana ended his three-year effort to negotiate an end to the decades-old conflict. "We cannot sign agreements with a group that is putting a rifle to the heads of innocent people," said Pastrana. "Colombia says, no more. We're tired of guerrilla hypocrisy.'" A last-minute agreement between the government and the FARC, reached Jan. 14 through the mediation efforts of UN representative James Lemoyne, appeared to breathe life into the peace process. The two sides agreed to a negotiating schedule that set April 7 as the deadline for an agreement to a cease-fire (see NotiSur, 2002-01-18). However, even as the talks continued, the FARC began a strong military offensive, and each side made ultimatums xx on the other. The FARC said it would only agree to a cease-fire if the government seriously attacked the right-wing paramilitary groups, scrapped Plan Colombia, sent the US advisors home, and ended extradition of Colombians to the US. The government demanded a commitment by the FARC to end kidnappings, extortion, and attacks on civilians and infrastructure, to stop planting mines, and to end their connections to drug trafficking. Some analysts said the FARC offensive was a response to the decision by US President George W. Bush to seek an additional US$98 million in aid for Colombia to be used to protect the Cano Limon-Covenas pipeline owned by Occidental Petroleum (see NotiSur, 2002-02-15). Plane hijacked, presidential candidate kidnapped On Feb. 19, Interior Minister Armado Estrada said he was optimistic that an agreement on a cease-fire could be reached. The following day, however, four FARC rebels hijacked a Colombian domestic flight and forced the pilot to land on a remote highway near the town of El Hobo. They then kidnapped Sen. Jorge Eduardo Gechem Turbay of the opposition Partido Liberal, who was chair of the Senate Peace Commission. The remaining 29 passengers and crew were freed unharmed. The Colombian military began bombing the rebel territory on Feb. 21. The 42,000-sq km rebel enclave is sparsely populated, with about 100,000 residents. On Feb. 22, helicopters dropped troops into the area, but the army met no resistance from guerrillas who had disappeared into the surrounding jungle. So far, the army has made little effort to go after the FARC in the mountain areas, where they have enjoyed a military advantage and popular support for decades. Residents fear that, with the FARC gone, paramilitaries will move in and kill people for collaborating with the guerrillas. The press reported that a list of 30 supposed FARC collaborators is already circulating in San Vicente del Caguan, the main town in the demilitarized area. Although the arriving military found few signs of the FARC, the guerrillas were not idle. Attacks on infrastructure have left more than 60 municipalities either without electricity or rationing energy in the southern departments of Cauca and Narino, in the central departments of Boyaca, Caqueta, Cundinamarca, Huila, and Tolima, and in the eastcentral department of Meta. The most serious situation is in Caqueta, where nearly 300,000 people are without potable water, said Vice Minister of Health Carlos Castro. The FARC attacks on the infrastructure "were foreseeable after the break in negotiations," independent Deputy Antonio Navarro Wolff, a former guerrilla, told the Inter Press Service. One objective is to send the military the message that the FARC is still capable of destabilizing the country. Navarro believes the FARC and the government will return to the negotiating table once the armed forces realize that they cannot defeat the guerrillas militarily. Meanwhile, the rebels are expected to escalate the war, likely targeting cities before the May 26 presidential elections. Hard-liner Alvaro Uribe, who has been strongly opposed to the peace talks, is well ahead in polls. But some analysts say the FARC's heaviest retaliation will come later. "There will probably be an economic war, an urban war, a war against the oligarchy in the cities like we've never seen before," said political analyst Carlos Franco, a former guerrilla. Diplomats, church call for resumption of talks On Feb. 21, the ambassadors of the 10 countries (Grupo de Paises Facilitadores) participating in the frustrated peace process called on the government and the FARC to recognize the need for a negotiated solution to the conflict. They also called on both sides to respect the civilian population. After meeting with Pastrana, the diplomats issued a statement affirming "their willingness to continue working in the search for a just and lasting peace, whenever there is a will to do so." Also on Feb. 21, the Conferencia Episcopal de Colombia (CEC) asked the government and the FARC to re-examine the path of dialogue and avoid an all-out war. Bishop Victor Manuel Lopez, vice president of the CEC, said during a radio interview, "It is not through arms but through dialogue that peace can be achieved in the country." Presidential candidate kidnapped On Feb. 24, FARC rebels kidnapped presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt and her campaign manager Clara Rojas as they tried to travel to San Vicente de Caguan. Betancourt had planned to meet with mayor Nestor Leon Ramirez, a member of her political party. She had told reporters she was determined to stage a rally in San Vicente for "respect for human rights." The government said it had warned Betancourt, a former senator, not to make the trip because it was too dangerous. The FARC said it would free Betancourt and five legislators they are holding if the government frees approximately 200 imprisoned FARC rebels. FARC commander Fabian Ramirez, who claimed responsibility for seizing Betancourt, said the government had one year to agree to the swap or the FARC would "take appropriate action." He accused Betancourt, a 40-year-old mother of two, of wanting "to stage a political show." Interior Minister Estrada ruled out any exchange. "The government has always rejected a swap," he said. "It would be unfair, because the politicians and the presidential candidate have been kidnapped against their will, while the guerrillas are being held according to Colombian law." Blame on all sides Analyst Alfredo Rangel blamed both the government and the FARC for the breakdown. But he also faulted the shift in the US position since Sept. 11, which has shown signs of moving toward military support for operations against the guerrillas, whom Washington classifies as terrorists. "We are on the threshold of an intensification of the confrontation between the army and the guerrillas," said Rangel, adding that the battles will be bloodier than they have been in four decades of conflict during which a half-million Colombians have lost their lives and two million more have been displaced. Rangel said that, since 1997, both sides have been busy expanding their military capability. Analyst Luis Valencia with the Universidad Nacional said that among the factors that led to the breakdown of the peace process were the pressure from military officers opposed from the start to the creation of the demilitarized zone, the latest attacks by the FARC, which exhausted the patience of the public, and the post-Sept. 11 international climate. US sends mixed signals Pastrana got immediate backing from Washington, with a commitment to increase intelligence-sharing. US aid is restricted by Congress to counternarcotics efforts and may not be used for counterinsurgency operations. Supporters of expanding the assistance say the war has become a fight over control of drug supplies, making the distinction artificial. But the end of the peace process will make any effort by congressional Democrats to hold up aid on human rights grounds more difficult. Democrats insist that any new aid must follow the armed forces severing links with the paramilitaries, which they have shown little inclination to do. Meanwhile, the Colombian government is calling for even more aid, and it is framing the request as part of the war on terrorism. Justice Minister Estrada said on Feb. 27 that Colombia is hoping for more US collaboration, which he said could include shifting funds from the anti-drugs fight to combating "terrorist organizations." President Bush said on Feb. 27 that US policy would not change. "I applaud the efforts of their president...to bring order to the country, but we are restricted by law and I intend to adhere to that law," Bush said in Charlotte, North Carolina. "We do have legal constraints. We are providing advice to the Colombian government as to drug eradication and we will keep it that way. The law is very clear." Colombian government officials responded to Bush's comments, saying the restrictions on US aid could be changed. The Washington Post reported on Feb. 28 that the Bush administration vetoed Pentagon-backed proposals to expand participation in the Colombian conflict. The report said Pentagon officials had also recommended that President Bush issue a new secret directive to replace existing guidelines that limit military aid to anti-narcotics efforts and prohibit direct counterinsurgency assistance. However, CNN reported that congressional sources said they expect the Bush administration to seek broader authority to allow US military personnel to assist Colombia's army. "We want to be helpful to Pastrana," the unnamed source said. "The guerrillas there are not peace-lovers." [Sources: The Economist (London), 02/09/02; Notimex, 02/14/02, 02/19/02, 02/21/02; The Miami Herald, 02/21/02; Clarin (Argentina), 02/07/09, 02/22/02; El Nuevo Herald (Miami), 02/23/02; Associated Press, 02/19-22/02, 02/24/02, 02/25/02; CNN, 02/20/02, 02/25/02; The Financial Times (London), The Guardian (London), 02/25/02; Spanish news service EFE, 02/12/02, 02/21/02, 02/27/02; Reuters, 02/20/02, 02/21/02, 02/25/02, 02/27/02; Inter Press Service, 02/20/02, 02/21/02, 02/27/02; CNN, 02/27/02; The Washington Post, 02/21/02, 02/26/02, 02/28/02] ********************* PARAGUAY ********************* PARAGUAY: FORMER PRESIDENT RAUL CUBAS GRAU RETURNS Paraguay's former President Raul Cubas Grau, who resigned and went into exile in 1999 following the assassination of Vice President Luis Maria Argana, returned and turned himself in to authorities on Feb. 22. Cubas Grau must now face criminal charges. Cubas Grau was president from Aug. 15, 1998, to March 28, 1999. He resigned the day before Congress was to begin an impeachment process because the president had commuted the sentence of Gen. Lino Oviedo for a 1996 coup attempt against former President Juan Carlos Wasmosy (see NotiSur, 1999-03-12). Cubas Grau has been living in exile in Curitiba, capital of the Brazilian state of Parana. Cubas surrendered in Asuncion, Paraguay's capital. He apparently had entered the country several days earlier, crossing the border from Brazil in a taxi and going to a family ranch before surrendering. He arrived at the Palacio de Justicia accompanied by his brother, Carlos Cubas, a retired captain who was interior minister during Cubas' presidency. Cubas Grau has several charges pending against him, including misuse of US$500,000 from a special presidential discretionary fund. Two civil suits accuse him of responsibility for the deaths of seven students killed by sharpshooters during an anti-government protest following Argana's assassination (see NotiSur, 1999-04-09). The suits were filed by families of victims of the massacre. The suits charge that Cubas ordered the police to withdraw from the plaza where the demonstrators were gathered, allowing the sharpshooters, under orders from Oviedo, to fire on the crowd. Five people are serving prison sentences for the massacre, including then police chief Nino Trinidad who is serving an 18-year sentence. Cubas appeared before Judge Jorge Bogarin Gonzalez, in charge of judicial proceedings related to events occurring between March 23, 1999, when Argana was assassinated and March 28 when Cubas resigned. Judge Bogarin ordered Cubas to appear Feb. 25 to testify regarding the deaths of the student demonstrators and ordered him detained at the headquarters of the First Infantry Division on the outskirts of Asuncion. The former president declined to talk with the press, but his brother gave a press conference. He said the two entered Paraguay at Ciudad de Este, crossing the Friendship Bridge over the Parana river "without any immigration or customs official at either Foz de Iguazu [Brazil] or Ciudad de Este asking for any documents." Carlos Cubas said his brother would not invoke the parliamentary immunity he has as a senator for life. Cubas' return causes exacerbates political tensions Sen. Francisco Jose de Vargas of the Partido Liberal Radical Autentico (PLRA), the main opposition party, called Cubas "the current national and world champion of state terrorism," and complained that the public had not gone into the streets demanding that he be brought to justice. The PLRA, which holds the vice presidency, vowed to watch that the courts are not manipulated. "Paraguayan society is interested in seeing justice done," said Carlos Mateo Balmelli, political advisor to Vice President Julio Cesar Franco. Franco was elected last August to serve Argana's term, and has frequently called for President Luis Gonzalez Macchi to resign (see NotiSur, 2001-09-07). Gonzalez Macchi, who became president when Cubas Grau resigned, said Cubas will have all legal guarantees. He told reporters that the "Cubas case has legal consequences, therefore it is in the hands of the judge in the case." On Feb. 22, Felix Argana of the governing Asociacion Nacional Republicana (ANR, Partido Colorado) and son of the slain vice president, said the unexpected return of Cubas would test the judicial system. Argana, president of the Asuncion Junta Municipal, said Cubas' appearance in court would be an opportunity for the justice system to "gain credibility and demonstrate that impunity has ended in Paraguay." "We are surprised that [Cubas] has come here like this after being gone so long," said Argana, who said he suspects, although he has no proof, that he could have "made a political or legal deal, which [if true] will come out in time." Felix said evidence and testimony tie Cubas to the events of March 1999, although "not as the principal person responsible--that is Oviedo." He also believes Cubas helped Oviedo flee to Argentina and says Cubas' return could be a maneuver by Oviedo, Cubas' political mentor. Cubas' return will impact the already chaotic political scene in Paraguay. The government has been accused of state terrorism, and the president was recently forced to fire his interior minister, justice minister, and several high-ranking police officers, and to dismantle the Centro de Investigacion Judicial (CIJ), considered the center of abuses committed by parapolice (see NotiSur, 2002-02-08). Different versions of Cubas' testimony On Feb. 25, Cubas Grau testified for more than seven hours. Later, lawyers gave significantly different versions of what went on in the court. Cubas' lawyer Osvaldo Granada said Cubas indirectly implicated Oviedo in the March 1999 events. Granada said Cubas supported a statement given earlier by his brother that Trinidad refused to follow his instructions and let it be known that he only answered to Oviedo. Granada said that the former president chose not to declare a state of exception as the situation deteriorated because he did not want to interfere with the impeachment process that was underway. The lawyer said that Cubas might be politically guilty but not legally, since he carried out his responsibilities to the extent possible. Granada's report contrasted with that of Pedro Abilio Rolon, the lawyer for the families of the victims, who called the testimony of Cubas "an affront to society, to the intelligence of the Paraguayan people." Rolon said the former president covered up for Oviedo. "He covered up for him, he definitively covered up," said Rolon. "This was obviously prepared by Lino Oviedo; once again, he carried out his orders." Rolon said that Cubas placed all the blame on Trinidad. "He is despicable because he was not just an ordinary citizen, he was the president of the republic, and he is going to go down in history as the person responsible for these deaths." [Sources: CNN, 02/22/02; Clarin (Argentina), The Miami Herald, 02/23/02; Spanish news service EFE, 02/22-25/02; Notimex, 02/22/02, 02/26/02; Reuters, 02/25/02] ********************* ECUADOR ********************* ECUADOR: MILITARY HIGH COMMAND FORCED OUT IN SCANDAL The Ecuadoran armed forces, which has been one of the country's most respected institutions, suffered a blow to its image late last year when four officers were accused of corruption. The scandal persisted and finally cost the careers of three of the country's top military commanders. On Feb. 4, Air Force commander Lt. Gen. Osvaldo Dominguez said sanctions might be applied against four officers accused of corruption regarding an insurance contract for a fleet of military planes. Dominguez said he was waiting for the report from the investigators in the case. The matter is being investigated by the Corte de Justicia Militar, the attorney general, Congress, and the Defensoria del Pueblo. Those implicated are Gens. Roberto Moya (army) and Marcelo Moscoso (air force), Vice Adm. Edgar Guerra, and Maj. Byron Vaca (navy). The four traveled to London in January 2001 to sign the US$23 million contact with London-based Heath Lambert Group to insure air force planes. The charges against the officers were first raised in November 2001 by Navy Capt. Rogelio Viteri. At the time officers signed the insurance contract with Heath Lambert, Viteri was naval attache at the Ecuadoran Embassy in London. Viteri alleged that the government was overcharged by US$4 million for the insurance. In addition, he claimed that the officers received "favors" from the company that included a two-week European vacation for the officers and their wives. After his public complaint, Viteri was removed from his post in the embassy. Alfredo Corral, head of the government accounting office (Contraloria General del Estado), said on Feb. 4 that his investigation pointed to fraud by the four officers. On Feb. 5, Viteri repeated his charges to the attorney general. A few days later, his military superiors ordered him detained for five days for "lack of discipline." It was Viteri's third arrest since November. He was released on Feb. 13. "It is the third arrest" in barely two months, said Viteri as he left the military center where he had been held. "I have spent 23 days in jail." "The truth is coming out and with more force, and that's what's important," said Viteri. "We have not attacked any institution, we have not misused the communications media to attack anyone," only to ask that the facts be clarified. President replaces military commanders Public anger about the scandal grew, and on Feb. 20, three of Ecuador's top military commanders stepped down. Defense Minister Hugo Unda told reporters that the chiefs of Ecuador's Navy and Air Force, and the head of the joint military command had resigned at the request of the president because of the crisis. "They have voluntarily presented a request to leave their posts so the armed forces can continue their prestigious service to the nation," Unda said. Those who resigned were Air Force commander Lt. Gen. Dominguez, Navy commander Vice Adm. Fernando Donoso, and Adm. Miguel Saona, chief of the armed forces joint command. "The changes are aimed at regaining the Ecuadoran society's faith in the armed forces," said Unda. Army chief Gen. Oscar Isch will now head the armed forces joint command. Gen. Carlos Morales will replace Isch as army commander, Adm. Jorge Villacis will take over as head of the Navy, and Lt. Gen. Luis Iturralde will become Air Force commander. Despite Unda's insistence that the resignations were not connected to the corruption scandal, former defense minister Jose Gallardo implied that the case had directly forced the complete overhaul in the high command. Gallardo called the dismissal of the four necessary, although late in coming. He also said Unda should step down to help the armed forces regain its lost prestige. He said it was appropriate that the commanders resign for having protected the other four officers involved in the corruption scandal. He said the commanders erred by siding with the accused rather than maintaining impartiality while the case was being investigated. The new chiefs must "proceed with absolute impartiality and justice" and act with "absolute severity" against members of the institution who have committed serious errors, he said. When the charges were first brought, President Gustavo Noboa said that the matter of the vacation was "unseemly," but he has since changed his description, now calling it "immoral." Unda responded to calls for him to step down in a radio interview Feb. 26. "I am not going to look for justifications for my staying, either I deserve it or I don't," said Unda about his position as defense minister. "There are two periods in the Air Force: before Viteri and after," said the minister. He said the four officers "erred" in their actions with Heath Lambert. But, he said, "I am not a judge. The case is with the judiciary. When the case is finished, we will know whether they are guilty." [Sources: Notimex, 01/30/02, 02/20/02; Reuters, 02/20/02; Spanish news service EFE, 02/04/02, 02/05/02, 02/13/02, 02/20/02, 02/21/02; La Opinion (Los Angeles), 02/21/02; El Comercio (Ecuador), 02/25/02] ================================================================= NY Transfer News Collective * A Service of Blythe Systems Since 1985 - Information for the Rest of Us 339 Lafayette St., New York, NY 10012 http://www.blythe.org e-mail: nyt@blythe.org ================================================================= pvtsa-03.02.02-06:27:58-5919