After the military coup of 1992, the regime dissolved Congress to convene a kangaroo Congress completely under its control. The regime also dismantled the judicial system with the dismissal of all judges who were not supporters of the dictatorship. Among those replaced, were the members of the Constitutional Tribunal (equivalent of the Supreme Court in USA), who were later replaced by progovernment judges. It was through this illegal process that Fujimori was able to amend the Constitution in 1993, in order to be reelected in the 1995 elections. However, in early 1997, the majority of the judges (four of the six members) of the Court expressed their public dissent with the regime on many issues, and refused to revise the Constitution again. They publicly announced that a third presidential term sought by the dictator, would violate the Constitution. The decision of the Court clearly undermined Fujimori's plans to continue in power for a third term, which is a possibility, because in Per£'s "democracy," the great electorate and the "guarantor of elections" is precisely the genocidal armed forces.The judges have received death threats and were sandwiched by the yellow press. Later on, they were summoned by the regime, to appear before Fujimori's controlled Congress and be legally "dismissed." And that's what happened. That's the way the dictatorship disposes the tools that are no longer useful to its sinister ends. These judges were tired of being manipulated to serve as accomplices in hiding countless crimes of the dictatorship. Finally, however, Judges Ricardo Nugent, Delia Revoredo, Manuel Aguirre Roca and Guillermo Rey Terry had the courage to denounce the criminal intentions of the regime in violating its own Constitution. As stated by Judge Nugent, President of the Constitutional Tribunal, "the kangaroo Congress illegally fired the judges because they only got 52 out of the 80 votes required for their dismissal" (Art. 93 of the Constitution promulgated by Fujimori in 1993.) This proves beyond any reasonable doubt that the judicial and legislative branches of government in Per£ are appendices of the tyranny and its military. That's the type of "emerging democracy" that Yankee imperialism promotes in Latin America.
Additional Sources: Gestion, May 28, 1997
Caretas May 28, 1997
Agence France-Presse, May 29, 1997
According to La Republica (formerly a mouthpiece of the intelligence services), eleven generals are calling for the firing of General Nicholas Hermoza, the Perennial Commander of the Armed Forces. Early this year, Vladimiro Montesinos, a narcotrafficker with ties to the CIA, has engineered the exit of former Interior Minister General Briones and the Director of the National Police General Ketin Vidal (a man close to the US Embassy who leaked Montesinos' income taxes to the press.) This turf of genocidal Generals reflects the irreversible split between the fascist and the liberal bourgeois factions within the armed forces. The outcome of this contradiction has been bloody. The fascist tendency led by Montesinos and Hermoza (handlers of Fujimori) control the intelligence services, especially the death squad Grupo Colina that is responsible for many assassinations, including members of the military such as the former Director of the Military School Col. Edmundo Obregon Valverde assassinated on August 3, 1992, Special Agent Barreto and others, the torture of Agent La Rosa, the kidnaping and jailing of Generals Robles and Salinas (leaders of the demo liberal faction), the bombing of Global TV in the Department of Puno, and the death threats, persecution and imprisonment of journalists and so forth.
SPLIT OF GENOCIDALS IN THE ARMED FORCES Source: El Comercio, April 22, 1997.