"The struggle against revisionism is a central question to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is necessary, constant, and an implacable struggle in defense of the proletarian ideology to advance the revolution, conquer power, and persist in the emancipation of humankind through the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the leadership of the Communist Parties." (Communist Party of Perú).That is how the PCP expresses its responsibility, and compromise to combat the ideas and practice of the bourgeoisie infiltrated in the ranks of the proletariat and the people.
President Mao Tse-tung warned us to pay attention to revisionism and its essential feature: "Capitulation." There are two types of capitulation intrinsically related to each other, the class capitulation before the country's big bourgeoisie, and imperialism. He said that as a norm, revisionists will "oppose corrupt officials but not the emperor."
The great Lenin said: "...And now we ask the following question: What new element to this doctrine was contributed by those strident `renewers' who got up so noisily in our days around socialist Bernstein? Absolutely nothing. They did not advance the science bequeathed to us by Marx even one step, and it would not develop further. They did not teach the proletariat any new means of struggle. All they did was to retreat, picking up pieces of past worn out theories. They preached the granting of concessions to the bloodiest enemies of the proletariat, to the bourgeois governments and parties, who are not tired of creating new persecution methods against the socialists." (Lenin, 1899).
2. DECADES OF REVISIONIST FAILURES The Soviet Union was the first socialist state forged by the revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat allied to the peasantry and progressive bourgeoisie, and the first socialist society and country in the world. It was built by the millions of Soviet people, defeating the Tsarist autocracy in war, the big landlords and the compradore Russian bourgeoisie, and in WW II, defeating Nazi Germany. The Soviet nation was a victim of successive revisionist cliques since 1953, beginning with Nikita Khrushchev (the bandit) and ending with the "Nobel Prize" winner Mikhail Gorbachev.
Gorbachev launched an unfettered capitalist restoration that was propped up by the so-called "perestroika," and "glasnost," which exacerbated the contradictions seeking the dismemberment and wholesale of the USSR among the imperialist powers of Europe, Japan and the United States.
However, the auctioning of the USSR, which Gorbachev imagined fruitful and profitable to his plans, was jammed up by nationalist struggles and the people's protests as a result of the implementation of capitalist restoration plans by the new "Tsars."
THE REFERENDUM TO DISSOLVE THE USSR LED TO MORE REVISIONIST DECOMPOSITION Due to the control of the government and manipulation of the State apparatus, especially the army, the "YES" won the plebiscite on whether the USSR should continue or not. The practical political consequence was the acceleration of the decomposition of revisionism, and at the same time the dismemberment of the USSR.
The result of the referendum was only the crust of the deep problems of the class struggle facing the USSR. With the dissolution, however, the privileges of the monopolist bourgeoisie usurping state power were not affected, nor its greater commitments with the big imperialist monopolies of Europe, Japan, Germany and the United States. On the contrary, they were favored and protected by the new restorers and bourgeois chieftains who from revisionism climbed on nationalism and later on fascism, such as the leaders of the Russian Federation, the bourgeois Boris Yeltsin, and the rulers of the Baltic Republics.
For the promoters of perestroika and glasnost there were only two simple issues to define: To what imperialist power should the disintegrated USSR be auctioned and what should the USSR do quicky in order to look like any Western country?
BOURGEOISIE RIDES ON THE PEOPLE'S PROTEST AND NATIONALIST STRUGGLES. Thereafter, what happened in the Russian Federation, the largest of the 15 republics of the former USSR, is living proof of how the bourgeoisie, (which was linked to Yankee imperialist interests) seized power.
That's the same bourgeoisie that for many decades upheld the theses of "peaceful transition and peaceful emulation," which according to revisionism, implied the defeat of Yankee imperialism following the road of "conquering the space and armaments to achieve military equilibrium."
In revisionist terms, "peaceful coexistence" meant collaboration with imperialism, colluding with it to achieve a new partition of the world into "spheres of influence," using the threat of "nuclear war" as blackmail, and the complete destruction of humanity in a World War III.
What is happening today in the former USSR is the logic outcome of the machinations, intrigues, betrayals to the proletariat, and the abandonment of the road of Marxism, of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of socialism that the revisionists (from Khrushchev to Gorbachev) have carried out for decades against the people and the proletariat of the Soviet Union. Revisionism has liquidated the Party, the Red Army, and has abandoned the only living program of the communists of today and yesterday: the Communist Manifest. Without the proletariat ideology, workers in the former Soviet Union were left castrated from their most powerful weapon of struggle to the point that they have become slave wage earners today (working for free for 6-8 months!), with a bureaucratic union leadership sold out to the white government, their heads and souls bombarded by the imperialist propaganda to the point of being unable to distinguish communism from revisionism! All of this is part of the capitalist restoration, and Lenin has taught us the path to follow in these difficult circumstances in "What to Do." Meanwhile, the dog of imperialism, Yeltsin and his capitalist clique rule the country with an iron hand in collusion with social democrats (still operating under the label of communism) and nationalists entrenched in parliament. The revisionists are led by Zyuganov, a caricature of "Communist," who has betrayed the working class over and over again. On February 13, 1998 he stated in a press interview in Moscow that he is for the " . . . enlargement of a capitalist class in Russia," that he is for "the understanding of all classes" and would rather believe in the Bible, the Torah and the Koran than in the class struggle. In other words, this clone of Gorbachev is a reactionary from head to toe, that must be unmasked and crushed. Without an open and resolute struggle against revisionism, there is no way to bring back the revolutionary storm in Russia and in other lands of the former Soviet Union. And the only way to carry it out is forging the vanguard of the proletariat -the Communist Party, which must be reconstituted, militarized, and must uphold the ideology of today's proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
3. PERUVIAN REVISIONISM The visible decomposition of revisionism in our country and around the world happens alongside the clear cut and powerful counteroffensive of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism, Gonzalo Thought. It was President Gonzalo, with the launching of the People's War in Perú in 1980, who started and led the struggle against the new revisionist counterrevolutionary offensive headed by Gorbachev and Teng.
In Perú, the mastiffs who have been bred by these revisionists for decades, have been trafficking with Marxism and openly denying it. By their own actions, they have shown themselves as they really are: turncoats, renegades, and traitors to the proletariat and the people, agents of the bourgeoisie, who are subsisting only to sell the struggle of the masses for a plate of lentils.
The parties and grouplets gathering them-visible or hidden-have no more "achievements" other than a few deputies, senators, ministers, public officials, heads of state enterprises and NGO's, mayors and armed forces intelligence advisors (or senderologists). That is, they are the lubricants of the old rotten State bureaucratic-landlord machinery headed today by the despicable reptilian Fujimori.
The people ask them: Haven't you been saying since 1979, revisionist "gentlemen," that by taking part in elections you would expose the State, accumulate forces, start the legal struggle in favor of the people and put yourselves at the service of the revolution? What happened then? Nineteen years later (1998) they have become assistant executioners of the people, deacons of that modern bourgeois inquisition, informants of the minister of the interior, greedy horsemen riding on the struggles, aspirations and interests of the masses of people. So there is no recourse other than to crush them, sweep them away and bury them forever.
Revisionists have the same roots, the same trunk, the same fruit, since their ancestors Bernstein, Kautsky, their grandfather Browner, their fathers Khrushchev, Gorbachev and Teng, the Peruvian revisionists and opportunists, oppose revolutionary violence and practice, and instead preach parliamentary cretinism. They capitulate before imperialism at the international level. Furthermore, they collaborate with the big bourgeoisie at the national level, and turn the workers parties into comfortable bourgeois political agencies promoting jobs and bureaucratic careerism in the old state apparatuses. Their political parties conform to what is allowed by the state police laws, the National Electoral Board, or end up like MRTA, as armed contingents supplementing the reactionary armed forces against the People's War.
Here is a preliminary x-ray of revisionism in Peru:
a) THE REVISIONIST "UNIDAD PARTY": This entity that calls itself the "Peruvian Communist Party" was expelled from the Communist Party of Perú (PCP) in 1964. Then it was headed by Del Prado, Acosta, and others. Later on Gustavo Espinoza, Valentin Pacho, Pedro Huillca and other hucksters came aboard. These agents of social-imperialism left a political record full of capitulation and opportunism. UNIDAD actively supported the government in 1945-48, during the Belaunde regime (two periods) when they attained a comfortable position as useful fools.
The time when the gang of UNIDAD of Del Prado supported the bourgeois regime of Manuel Prado during World War II, when Peru "declared war" on Nazi Germany is engraved in the memory of the class and the people. Manuel Prado called Del Prado, the "Peruvian Stalin."
With Velasco, they sat at the "negotiating" table and urged the defense of the "conquests achieved in the revolution." In order to justify their services they claimed that "the only way to free ourselves from imperialism is to produce more," which could only be achieved with "national unity" concretized by the alliance "People-Armed Forces." This "full participation" government-corporative engenders of the 1970's, found its natural ally in these hardened hacks to help them reinvigorate bureaucratic capitalism. Since then, the reactionary State began voraciously subjugating anything that crossed its path, and became the prime mover of the national economy. The fascist military government, presenting itself as "revolutionary," had the full and unconditional cooperation of this group "UNIDAD."
The "defense of production" raised by these elements could only be understood by the opening of new economic and political relations with Eastern European countries, when the Soviet Union became the main supplier of war material of the Peruvian armed forces, as well as the main buyer of raw materials.
The position taken by native revisionism before social imperialist penetration, was expressed internally by calls to end the class struggle, and by hooking the workers' unions as caboose of the old State, and its corporative institutions, and raising their notorious "critical support" inside the government
Later on, the position by these hacks on the following governments of turn, became even bolder: They carryout strikes and stoppages for political blackmail when, for instance, some State contracts did not favor Soviet Social imperialism.
They have been taking part in every electoral process, as any bourgeois party does, even forging political alliances like in the1995 election with that old pawn of imperialism, Perez de Cuellar. They are also admittedly, enemies of the revolution, actively participating as supporters of the bureaucratic-landlord State. We must understand their rabid opposition to the PCP and the People's War from that perspective.
In summary, they deny Marxism, oppose revolutionary violence, the dictatorship of the proletariat, socialism, and are colluding with the U.S. and other imperialist powers. Those are the main features of this type of revisionism.
b) PATRIA ROJA (UNIR) The Patria Roja (Red Fatherland) group was purged from the Party founded by Mariátegui (the PCP), as a result of the sharp two-line struggle in 1968. It reappeared a year later under the name of "Communist Party of Perú-Patria Roja." This gang consists of chieftains such as Alberto Moreno, Jorge Hurtado (Ludovico), Breña Pantoja and troupe.
Because their servility to the system, in the universities they used to be called "los perros" (the dogs), that tag fit them like a ring in the finger.
They have a faulty political and ideological base under Debrayist (Regis Debray) influence, that's why their members assumed a radical speech, but a revisionist practice that denied Maoism. Later on Patria Roja made an alliance with other sects such as MIR-Peru, FLN, PCR, VR-PC, forming the electoral UNIR Front, now decomposed but still not buried.
In the 1970's, Patria Roja gained political influence among revisionist groups, setting up theses such as the "accumulation of forces," national strikes and the "workers-peasants alliance" as add- on coats for revisionist labor leaders to wear, in a potpourri of opportunist positions.
They use the political and trade union organisms to ride on them and hook themselves as mercenaries for personal gain. Their centers of operation are places like the universities, so they can use their partisan apparatus as catapult into tenured professorships and school management positions, following students and teachers elections. Some are hooked to SUTEP (the Teacher's Union) and other organizations practicing bureaucratism and collaborationism. Their practices exposed them as frantic and strident actors of parliamentary cretinism in electoral times-six total since 1980 to 1998. Their splinter groups such as Pukallacta, and Bolsheviks confirm another noteworthy feature: in the early 1970's Patria Roja boasted about being the representatives of the Communist Party of China (CCP) in Perú, however after the death of Mao Tse-tung and the restoration of capitalism in China, they kept an accomplice silence, and then unabashedly supported the renegade Teng Tsiao-ping clique. So, the miserable opportunism characterizing them from the start flourished.
On the peasant rondas they used to control, see how wrongly they approached the peasant question, focusing on the quantity of rondas they organized, instead of ownership of land, in giving land to the poor peasants and teaching them to defend it with the People's War. These misconceptions caused that most (if not all) of their rondas have become appendages of the mesnadas (paramilitary) or "civil defense Committees," organized and used by the Army as cannon fodder and shock troops of the reactionary State.
In the current Congress of Fujimori, which is controlled by the intelligence services, Patria Roja is represented by perennial "midget-Congressman" Breña Pantoja. He is presented by the bourgeois press as "the opposition" to Fujimori, but in reality is only interested in collecting the crumbs handed to him by the dictatorship.
3. SOCIALIST LEFT (OR DEMOCRATIC LEFT) This is a mini sect that had some representation in the parliament dissolved by the regime in 1992. After they failed to gain a single seat in the current Congress of SIN, most of their members deserted to the parties of the big bourgeoisie (Perez de Cuellar) and in pursuit of some crumbs to survive, some of them became vulgar informants of the security services (e.g., senderologists). The leaders of this group inherited all the funds and resources needed to wage an electoral campaign, from their cronies in the previous government (United Left). In addition, they received funds from European social-democracy and NGOs. They promoted the "National Agreement" against the revolution, and the "counter-terrorist front." Its representatives were Enrique Bernales, Murrugarra, Barrantes, Dammert, Carlos Tapia (senderologist), Ivan Degregori (also a senderologist).
This group is a cluster of opportunists where "left opportunism abounds." Some even got ministerial posts in the first government of Fujimori, like Gloria Helfer (Minister of Education), Sanchez Albavera (Minister of Energy and Mines), and the Secretary of the Council of Ministers Delgado. Mr. Sanchez Albavera as Minister of Energy and Mines, for example, showed his class position by defending imperialist interests such as Mobil Oil, Shell, and Occidental that plunder our energy resources.
Another pathetic case is the pusillanimous former head of the U.N. Human Rights Commission, and now U.N. observer in Peru: Enrique Bernales Ballesteros, a spurious "violence expert," and eternal trafficker of peace, who applauds every genocide and repression by the old State. At all times, he unconditionally supported the Fujimori candidacy which has been dictating decreed laws, such as No. 171, granting impunity to the genocidal military that is murdering people in emergency zones, these criminal military will be tried only by military courts. And most important, Bernales kept a cowardly silence during the genocide of Cantogrande, where the regime murdered 100 political prisoners.
d) UNIFIED MARIATEGUISTA PARTY (PUM) It is a cluster of sects (MIR, PCR, VR), partners of UDP and others. They deny the role of the Communist Party as the organized proletarian vanguard. Their leaders are opportunists dedicated almost full time to capture a seat in parliament or join parties of the big bourgeoisie opposed to Fujimori to collect signatures and call for referendums. Their leaders are Ricardo Letts, Diez Canseco (the perennial Congressman), and the renegade Trotskyte Hugo Blanco. The original name was Revolutionary Vanguard (VR) founded in the mid 1960's by the prosperous land owner (gamonal) Ricardo Letts Colmenares, ex-militant of the Popular Action party (of former President Belaunde), and of a Trotskyte sect of those days.
In 1965, in a lengthy manifesto VR declared its servility to reaction and imperialism, calling the big bourgeois Belaunde government a "representative of the national bourgeoisie," which should be given a "critical support."
Four years later (1969), the same characters announced their support to the Velasco regime because they typified it as "bourgeois reformist" that only needs to deepen the reforms to be consistently revolutionary. They colluded with the sinister SINAMOS (mass organizer and political police of the military regime), and thus once again they sought the capitulation of the class and the people before their class enemies.
According to these opportunists, "to construct the vanguard of the proletariat is enough to have a minimal party," and a group of men needed to start such construction. Now more than 20 years later, we find that there are still no such organization and those who held such theses are now in PUM (a new label) or in the bourgeois parties .
In essence, PUM is the same clique that changes name every so often they split, then after a while, especially during election times, they join together again. And in the process, they show the masses their blatant opportunism.
Their work style is typified by what they do at the Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs), in which they develop their political activity, thus they tried to get some influence in the cities and in some peasant sectors.
PUM also raises the thesis of the accumulation of forces, showing no end to their practice of riding on the masses. Ideologically, their positions help reaction's job at the theoretical level, with such theses as milenarism, and calling the People's War an utopia and "terrorism."
Politically, they aim for the middle of the road in the struggle, but getting the benefits the big bourgeoisie provide them in the political scenario. Economically, they call for market socialism, the discredited thesis that ruined the Eastern European countries. PUM's chieftain, Javier Diez Canseco, is fiery in parliamentary circles and an accomplished firefighter at work stoppages and strikes, a puppeteer of that fraternity. He is one of the favorite guest of honors in social gatherings and parties organized by the Embassies of imperialist powers in Lima. And for years he has being posing as defender of "human rights" and eternal promoter of "investigative commissions" in Fujimori's Congress that are pure posturing.
e) MRTA This paramilitary group in extinction was launched to serve the interests of Cuba and the U.S.S.R., and began its activity in the mid 80s. Politically, their positions do not differ from those of United Left (IU). They blabber about an abstract socialism; their alleged Marxism is a potluck of the socialist experience in other revisionist countries and a confused mixture of contributions by thinkers of various types, including the party of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie APRA. They helped social imperialistic plans in Perú, and at the national level operated as agents of reaction. Their figureheads and electoral clowns have not hesitated to call the PCP a "terrorist" organization, they conducted sinister armed actions against the People's War in some provinces, and they boasted about the many "senderistas" they have murdered at the service of reaction, such as the statements of the Aprista Polay Campos.
From a military viewpoint, in practice MRTA complemented the armed forces in battling the PCP. They know an iota about the proletarian military experience in China nor they have anything to do with the teachings of the great Lenin; their mercenary arrogance reveals the best reactionary style. Their conception of army is a copy of the bourgeois army, to the extent of not taking a single step unless they are paid and have enough money. From the ideological viewpoint, their bankruptcy is complete, basing their ideology in bourgeois pragmatism, despite the Marxist-Leninist lip service of some of them. Philosophically and intellectually, what do they show? What can they show at the social historical level? Absolutely nothing but outright pragmatism or bourgeois militarism.
4. PARLIAMENTARY CRETINISM AND REVOLUTIONARY VIOLENCE Traditionally, opportunists and revisionists in the country have been closely linked to electoralism. In the general elections of 1930, 39, 45 and 63, revisionism tied the people and the class working to the wagon of the big bourgeoisie (its compradore faction before WWII and the bureaucratic faction since then.)
Essentially, this line of electoral and parliamentary cretinism consisted in the following proposals made for the 1945 elections: "the workers as a whole have the historic task of struggling for an alliance with the bourgeoisie . . . We must have been understanding among the classes," and "we no longer train our members for agitation and propaganda, but to become government representatives," and that "the working class must propitiate agreements and peaceful solutions to problems through the state organisms."
These theses are essentially the same as the ones propagated before, except that today revisionism is preaching capitulation at a higher level and with shameful justifications. Perú has an extensive electioneering experience. Many times the people have been called to vote, and the revolutionaries have participated in these elections, but they have not obtained any fundamental benefits for the class, nor for the people, and of course even less for the conquest of power.
Participation has been urged and even forced in many electoral processes, claiming that "transcendental consequences are at play," getting the masses of the people focus their attention on elections as a principal task, thus disorienting and diverting them from their own revolutionary road.
And what happens is that every electoral process favors opportunism, whether by sowing illusions, or dreaming about capturing government posts, invoking a false defense of the masses, by offering them "great democratic advances," and filling up generating personal ambitions and appetites.
THE 1990 ELECTIONS From their own political tents, from the self-proclaimed United Left (IU), and even using the labels of trade unions, revisionism and opportunism once again preached electoralism and parliamentary cretinism in 1990. But this time, thanks to the development of the People's War, they suffered their most humiliating and catastrophic defeat.
The bureaucratic CGTP's (General Workers Confederation of Peru) communique during the 1990 general elections exposed their true color. It read: "Based on an analysis of the program of Cambio 90 (Fujimori), the CGTP calls to vote for Cambio 90 . . . " (La Republica, June 8, 1990.)
Once Fujimori was elected, he and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) imposed a brutal economic austerity measure ("shock"), and the leadership of the CGTP appealed to the people "to take it easy" and "to show civic maturity."
PUM, on the other hand, trying to take some distance from the United Left (IU), took a right turn. They explained their support for Fujimori in the runoff election (see PUM's flyer on the second round of the 1990 elections Fujimori vs. Vargas Llosa.) From 1990 to the present, all their representatives in government and parliament do is to limit themselves merely to revise and/or perfect the laws proposed by the reactionary parties to continue oppressing the people.
And precisely from the time the polls were still open, the revisionists loudly proclaimed that the "big loser is Sendero," meaning the alleged defeat of the boycott called by the PCP. It is in these circumstances that individuals of the ilk of Barrantes, Pease, and other opportunists, in pathetic gesticulation parrot the script of the murderer Fujimori about the "big loser is terrorism." However, the reality bury their foul and smelly dreams when the same official results of their National Electoral Board (JNE) announced the very high numbers in absenteeism, null and blank votes.
THE RESULTS. The self-proclaimed United Left (IU) and Socialist Left (IS) were crushed by the same electoral polls they adore so much, together they didn't beat the number of blank and null votes. IU obtained 6.9% and IS 4%. The results for null and blank votes were 15.3% while absenteeism reached 27%. That's the just repudiation against revisionism and opportunism for their treason to the class and the people. A clear victory for the boycott called by the PCP!
1986: WHAT THEY DID DURING THE PRISONS' GENOCIDE. This genocide was perpetrated on June 19, 1986 by the reactionary APRA government headed by Garcia Perez. After their gross manipulation of a farcical "Peace Commission," the regime and its armed forces carried out the most sinister extermination operative. The Army, Navy, Air Force and Police Forces, mobilized under the joint command of the armed forces carried out the murder of hundreds of prisoners of war, the best sons and daughters of the people, thus once more the reactionaries have soaked themselves in warm people's blood.
The PCP immediately made an assessment on the reactions of the various political parties in the face of the genocide, and in particular exposed that of United Left, then made up by the same elements who now find themselves in acute decomposition.
At the time, the PCP stated: "...The leadership of the United Left and principally the scurrilous APRA leader of that organization (IU was led by an Aprista), are co-responsible and especially the mayor (Barrantes) is an accomplice because his proposal -antiterrorist front without a doubt served and facilitated the implementation of the genocidal action."
In addition, let's remember the words of the infamous Barrantes about the fighters of El Fronton, Lurigancho and El Callao: "They received their own medicine." This linked him also to be author of the United Left communique, labeling the rebellion by the prisoners of war, "an act of provocation, which we repudiate."
A similar position was taken by IU during the genocide of prisoners of war in the jail of Cantogrande.
1989: IU POSITION ON THE ARMED STRIKE OF NOVEMBER 3 In the capital (Lima), the ARMED STRIKE called by the MRDP (People's Revolutionary Movement), directly targeted the municipal elections. For that reason, it earned the uncontrolled fury of reaction, of revisionism, and in general of all the lackeys of imperialism. But since repression (like the bloody attack against the rally by families and relatives of Prisoners and Disappeared at La Victoria Square) was powerless to stop the course to the Armed Strike, which openly threatened the electoral process. The self-proclaimed IU jumped to the front line against the people, Henry Pease, the IU candidate to mayor of Lima, campaigned against the strike, in defense of the so-called "democracy" and against the alleged "terrorism," and called for an anticommunist crusade of strong fascist odor of all "democrats" at a meeting on the 3rd, the same day as the strike.
That rally of revisionism was held under the close protection of the genocidal armed forces and police, and having as an umbrella the holy "mantle" of the Catholic Church. Attending were their candidates, the capos and bosses of reactionary parties, among them the revisionist hierarchy and chieftains of the trade union bureaucracy.
What did IU and its candidate get from this new meritorious service to reaction? A just and well- deserved reward: The defeat of Pease and IU in the 1989 municipal elections and the great IU collapse of April 1990.
There were several other armed strikes (1990-1998) that paralyzed Lima and/or the rest of the country, in which the left overs of revisionism, have place themselves on the site of reaction.
5. THEY RENEGE ON SOCIALISM AND THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT The decomposition of Soviet social imperialism resulting from the break up of the Soviet Union, and the imperialist wholesale of Eastern Europe, was the "coup de grace" of Peruvian revisionism. Their spokesmen and ideologues in fact, tried to insert themselves as shock troops and hire guns for the bourgeoisie.
Just look at relevant events in the last few years, to the composition of their "new" parties, it proves their accelerated putrefaction.
Besides, their ineffectual bureaucratic alternatives such as the Popular National Assembly (ANP), which died at birth, and the 1989 IU Congress in Huampani that gave carte blanche for all its groups to patch their own electoral deals with other reactionary parties such as AP, APRA Cambio 90, among others.
The "UNIDAD" party Congress headed by Jorge Del Prado, has been postponed several times, and each time this revisionist group enters a new crisis of senile parliamentary cretinism. Meanwhile, the blessed-monk Henry Pease and Rolando Ames, funded mainly by CARITAS- USA, funded a new sect labeled Socialist Affirmation Movement (MAS), whose essential feature is to emulate the bourgeoisie that retook power in the countries of Eastern Europe after open capitalist restoration, all of course under the label of "socialism."
Admitting his total isolation from the masses, Ames stated they needed to "reestablish communication with the people" and a crude imitation of Gorbachev "we seek a socialism that overcomes the traditional Marxist-Leninist schemes, which had their merit at some point in time."
MAS stated in its digression, "we can propose a more radical message than Sendero's armed struggle," which is "denouncing injustice and the proposal of immediate alternatives, for example the Social Emergency Program." That is, the counterinsurgency hand out program promoted and funded by imperialism and implemented by the armed forces, government and NGOs . . .
Add to this the digressions of Fernando de Trazegnies, who with a straight face said: "Marxism has shown its inefficiency . . . " and the babbling of José Maria Salcedo, who "contributes" that "private property is not anti-socialist."
Alberto Moreno (Patria Roja) caps it off, this obscure follower of Teng Tsiao-ping says: "the greatest failure is that IU has not known how to take advantage of the positions it has won inside the State apparatus, parliament and the municipalities."
And what is the balance of the Patria Roja Central Committee? All its leadership members occupy state posts of national level, whether as Departmental Directors in the Ministry of Education, or as senators, deputies, mayors, regional governments, advisers to governmental organs and the armed forces.
6. CONFRONTING CAPITALIST RESTORATION When they renege of socialism and point to what happened in Eastern Europe and the USSR, they are hiding the fact what it really failed there was the betrayal of Marxism: revisionism and social imperialism, and they were their purveyors, representatives, and spokespersons in Peru. That nothing that happened in Eastern Europe can deny that, while those countries were on a correct course to socialism led by their respective Communist Parties, they achieved long historical strides and victories overcoming feudalism and capitalism in several countries of Europe and Asia. During more than five decades, the main economic indicators in those socialist countries were sixfold greater than in the rest of capitalist countries, which satisfied the needs of the population.
PEOPLE'S WAR: POWERFUL REALITY OF THE ACTUALITY AND VALIDITY OF MARXISM. Facing the revisionist debacle and the worldwide anti-Marxist campaign, the victorious People's War in Perú is the vigorous refutation and expose of revisionism in the world. This just war proves that "modernism" and "sustainable development," of which world reaction boasts, means just to maximize profits for the bourgeoisie and its resurrected parasites, in the restored capitalist order.
Finally, the international proletariat and the peoples of the world at the proper time will apply just punishment to contemporary revisionism, for the serious of crimes it perpetrates, and the repeated betrayals to the working class and the cause of the world proletarian revolution.
